<html><head><style type='text/css'>p { margin: 0; }</style></head><body><div style='font-family: Arial; font-size: 12pt; color: #000000'><P><BR>FYI--thought this artical was good one to share...</P>
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<P><B>From: </B>"A Belden Fields" <a-fields@illinois.edu><BR><B>To: </B>"central il jwj" <CentralILJwJ@yahoogroups.com><BR><B>Cc: </B>sf-core@yahoogroups.com<BR><B>Sent: </B>Monday, September 17, 2012 9:20:18 PM<BR><B>Subject: </B>[CentralILJwJ] FW: Occupy's Protest Is Not Over. It Has Barely Begun<BR><BR>
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<P><BR>________________________________________<BR>From: Portside Moderator [<A href="mailto:moderator%40PORTSIDE.ORG" target=_blank>moderator@PORTSIDE.ORG</A>]<BR>Sent: Monday, September 17, 2012 9:02 PM<BR>To: <A href="mailto:PORTSIDE%40LISTS.PORTSIDE.ORG" target=_blank>PORTSIDE@LISTS.PORTSIDE.ORG</A><BR>Subject: Occupy's Protest Is Not Over. It Has Barely Begun<BR><BR>Occupy's Protest Is Not Over. It Has Barely Begun<BR><BR>by Frances Fox Piven<BR><BR>Monday, September 17, 2012<BR><BR>by The Guardian<BR><BR>Article printed from www.CommonDreams.org Source URL:<BR><A href="http://www.commondreams.org/view/2012/09/17-7" target=_blank>http://www.commondreams.org/view/2012/09/17-7</A><BR><BR><A href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/sep/17/" target=_blank>http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/sep/17/</A><BR>occupy-protest-not-over<BR><BR>A good many observers wonder, is Occupy over? After<BR>all, the encampments that announced the movement a year<BR>ago have largely disappeared, and no obviously similar<BR>protest demonstrations of young people have taken their<BR>place, at least not in the United States.<BR><BR>Nevertheless, I think the ready conclusion that the<BR>protests have fizzled is based on a misconception of<BR>the nature of movements, a misconception influenced by<BR>the metaphors we rely on. We think of these eruptions<BR>as something like explosions, Fourth of July fireworks<BR>perhaps that shoot into the sky, dazzle us for a<BR>moment, and then quickly fade away. The metaphor leads<BR>us to think of protest movements as bursts of energy<BR>and anger that rise in a great arc and then, exhausted,<BR>disappear.<BR><BR>In fact, no major American movement of the past fits<BR>that description. The great protest movements of<BR>history lasted not for a moment but for decades. And<BR>they did not expand in the shape of a simple rising arc<BR>of popular defiance. Rather, they began in a particular<BR>place, sputtered and subsided, only to re-emerge<BR>elsewhere in perhaps a different form, influenced by<BR>local particularities of circumstance and culture.<BR><BR>Movements that may appear to us in retrospect as a<BR>unified set of events are, in fact, irregular and<BR>scattered. Only afterwards do we see the underlying<BR>common institutional causes and movement passions that<BR>mark these events so we can name them, as the<BR>abolitionist movement, for example, or the labor<BR>movement or the civil rights movement. I think Occupy<BR>is likely to unfold in a similar way.<BR><BR>And it will not subside quickly. Like earlier great<BR>movements that changed the course of American history,<BR>Occupy is fueled by deep institutional lacunae and<BR>inconsistencies. The mainly young people who are Occupy<BR>represent a generation coming of age in societies<BR>marked by an increasingly predatory and criminal<BR>financial capitalism that has created mass indebtness<BR>and economic insecurity. At the same time, the policies<BR>that once softened the impact of economic change (which<BR>some commentators once thought were necessary for the<BR>"legitimation" of capitalism) are being rolled back.<BR><BR>Think of the bitter pill of the broken promises to<BR>young people who were told that education was the route<BR>to security and prosperity and who now graduate to<BR>unemployment and huge debts. And this is occurring in<BR>the context of amazing revelations of the corruption of<BR>always-flawed American electoral procedures.<BR><BR>Then, there is the looming threat of ecological<BR>disasters that threaten the future of the planet<BR>itself. These conditions reflect deep institutional<BR>problems: they are not likely to be solved or even much<BR>softened very quickly, and so long as they persist,<BR>they will fuel the protests that are an extension and<BR>continuation of Occupy, whether we give them that name<BR>or not.<BR><BR>A movement forceful enough to change the course of<BR>history must accomplish two great tasks. One is<BR>communicative. The movement must use its distinctive<BR>repertoire of drama and disturbance, of crowds and<BR>marches and banners and chants, to raise the issues<BR>that are being papered over by normal politics, for the<BR>obvious reason that normal politics is inevitably<BR>dominated by money and propaganda.<BR><BR>On this, Occupy has already made substantial headway.<BR>The slogans that assert we are the 99%, they are the<BR>1%, named the historic increase in inequality in the<BR>United States during the past few decades as the main<BR>issue, and the movement dramaturgy of encampments and<BR>masks and general assemblies and twinkling fingers<BR>helped to give the message heft and appeal, even to the<BR>media that had at first simply disparaged the movement.<BR><BR>To be sure, there were lots of complaints that Occupy<BR>had failed to issue its own policy proposals - which I<BR>think it was wise not to, since to do so would have<BR>ensnared the activists in endless disputes about<BR>particulars. But that is quibbling. It is far more<BR>important that we can see the influence of the<BR>movement's main issue - extreme inequality - on the<BR>speeches at the Democratic convention, for example, or<BR>on the ongoing strike of 29,000 school teachers in<BR>Chicago who have been joined by students and parents in<BR>their demands not only for salary increases, but for a<BR>roster of improvements in the public schools. So far,<BR>good.<BR><BR>However, movements that make an imprint do more than<BR>communicate. They also threaten to exert a distinctive<BR>kind of power that results from refusing co-operation<BR>in the routines that institutionalized social life<BR>requires. That is the power that workers wield when<BR>they walk off the job, or that students muster when<BR>they refuse to go to class, or that tenants have when<BR>refuse to pay the rent, or that urban crowds exert when<BR>they block streets and highways. In principle, it is<BR>also the power that debtors might mobilize if they<BR>threatened to default on their loans. This sort of<BR>disruption - in essence, the strike writ large - is<BR>harder to organize than a rally or a march because<BR>people will fear reactions, which are likely to be<BR>swift and harsh. So, the protesters have to figure out<BR>how to defend themselves.<BR><BR>This is also the problem that other great protest<BR>movements confronted: the abolitionists had to work out<BR>how to sustain the "underground railway" in the face of<BR>southern posses, and the sit-down strikers of the 1930s<BR>had to figure out how to defend their factory<BR>occupations in the face of company police and sometimes<BR>state militia. I suspect that Occupy is struggling with<BR>that problem now, as an expanded Occupy begins to try<BR>to organize campaigns against mortgage foreclosures,<BR>student and credit card debt, and even the public debt<BR>saddling municipalities.<BR><BR>The stakes are large, for the 1%, and for the rest of<BR>us. (c) 2012 Guardian News and Media Limited<BR><BR>Frances Fox Piven is professor of political science and<BR>sociology at the Graduate Center of the City University<BR>of New York, where she has taught since 1982. Her<BR>latest book, just published, is Who's Afraid of Frances<BR>Fox Piven? The Essential Writings of the Professor<BR>Glenn Beck Loves to Hate (The New Press). She is the<BR>author and co-author of numerous books, including The<BR>War at Home: The Domestic Costs of Bush's Militarism<BR>(2004) and Challenging Authority: How Ordinary People<BR>Change America (2006), and has received career and<BR>lifetime achievement awards from the American<BR>Sociological Association and the American Political<BR>Science Association. Frances has been featured on<BR>Democracy Now!, and regular contributor to The Nation<BR>more Frances Fox Piven<BR><BR>___________________________________________<BR><BR>Portside aims to provide material of interest to people<BR>on the left that will help them to interpret the world<BR>and to change it.<BR><BR>Submit via email: <A href="mailto:portside%40portside.org" target=_blank>portside@portside.org</A><BR><BR>Submit via the Web: <A href="http://portside.org/submittous3" target=_blank>http://portside.org/submittous3</A><BR><BR>Frequently asked questions: <A href="http://portside.org/faq" target=_blank>http://portside.org/faq</A><BR><BR>Sub/Unsub: <A href="http://portside.org/subscribe-and-unsubscribe" target=_blank>http://portside.org/subscribe-and-unsubscribe</A><BR><BR>Search Portside archives: <A href="http://portside.org/archive" target=_blank>http://portside.org/archive</A><BR><BR>Contribute to Portside: <A href="https://portside.org/donate" target=_blank>https://portside.org/donate</A><BR></P></DIV>
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