[Peace-discuss] Health Plans and Death Plans
C. G. Estabrook
galliher at illinois.edu
Fri Aug 14 21:12:47 CDT 2009
"Since the major preoccupation of liberals for 30 years has been the right to
kill embryos, why should they not be suspect in their intentions toward those
gasping in the thin air of senility? There is a strong eugenic thread to
American progressivism, most horribly expressed in its very successful campaign
across much of the twentieth century to sterilize 'imbeciles.'"
Health Plans and Death Plans
By ALEXANDER COCKBURN
"Medicine is nothing but a social science.
Politics is nothing but medicine on a large scale."
--Rudolf Virchow, reflecting on the revolutions of 1848 in Europe.
The first illusion to chase off the stage is that the great debate here has much
to do with health. So far, as public health is concerned, many of the biggest
battles were fought and won a hundred years ago, at the end of the nineteenth
century, with better nutrition, birth control, the change from wool to cotton
clothing, the introduction of modern sanitation in the urban environment and –
most important – clean water.
Between 1900 and 1973, American life expectancy went from 47 to 71, but most of
this rise had taken place by 1949, when the average life span reached 68. Much
of the upward curve could be attributed to improved survival rates for infants
and young people. Prohibition helped, since people drank less alcohol, ate more,
and hence TB rates dropped sharply, well before the introduction of sulfa drugs.
Health in America is class-based, naturally. The poor die sooner, starting with
black men who tend to drop dead in their middle 60s, usually from stress and
diseases consequent on diet. The better-off folk drink less than they did in the
1950s, take a bit more exercise, and sometimes live longer. The poor get fatter
and fatter. A real health plan would start with public executions of the top
thousand CEOs and owners of the major food companies and fast food franchises.
It would continue with serious penalties for health workers not washing their
hands or merely holding them under the tap without using soap.
The plagues of America today are beyond the reach of the modern medical system,
and that system is itself a peculiarly outrageous example of antisocial
imperatives: high technology health care which serves fewer and fewer people.
Part and parcel of this system are the drug companies, working in concert with
the hospitals and insurance industry. Doctors have long since been shoved to the
side as major players.
Mostly shunned in all this are the major causes of modern disease, which are
environmental. Between 70 and 90 per cent of all cancer is environmental in
origin. Heart disease and stroke – the largest killers today – are largely
caused by hypertension and stress, which are derived from social conditions.
America is very efficient in promulgating Death Plans –- tobacco, sugar
additives, excessive salt, nitrous oxides out of power plant chimneys, nuclear
testing in the 1950s, industrial accidents, speed-up at work and lengthening of
the working day, rush-hour traffic – launched in the hope of making a buck and
protected fiercely until, very occasionally, the mountain of corpses gets too
high to be occluded by even the most refined techniques of the PR industry and
the most lavish contributions to politicians. Thus it was with tobacco.
Health reform in the 1930s, in the Roosevelt era, came mostly in the guise of
the Wagner Act – a better deal for unions and workers – and Social Security. Old
people got something to live on in their later years. Health reform in the 1950s
and 1960s came with better wages, a shorter working week, more leisure, plus
Medicare – the federal health plan for older people – driven through Congress by
the most consummately cunning and accomplished politician of the postwar era and
maybe of the twentieth century (unless you make the case for FDR), Lyndon
Johnson, who really did care about poverty, having seen a lot of it up close in
Texas.
Since then, we’ve gone nowhere. Nixon declared war on cancer and founded the
Environmental Protection Agency – but corporate pollution continued virtually
unabated, courtesy of the energy industry and modern, chemical-based
agriculture. In 1977, the Senate Select Committee on Nutrition, chaired by
George McGovern, issued a splendid special report on recommended dietary goals
for the United States. It swiftly provoked the virulent hostility of the medical
establishment and the food industry. The former contested the idea that diet
might have any particular bearing on health and hotly denounced this particular
application of the notion of preventive medicine. The latter, for obvious
reasons, saw no reason to welcome the Committee’s recommendation that Americans
eat less meat. The injunction was axed from the Report a year later.
The neoliberal attack on regulations has been a health catastrophe. Take
accidents -- injuries and deaths – at the work place. As JoAnn Wypijewski wrote
in this site earlier this year, “Because of under-reporting, the number of
injured workers every year is likely closer to 12 million than the official 4
million. The 50,000 to 60,000 who die from occupational diseases each year
cannot be a hard estimate; cancer, for instance, doesn’t usually come with a
pedigree. Even the precision of deaths on the job (40,019 workers between 2001
and 2007, the latest year for which there are figures and not counting the 9/11
dead) has to be qualified; the number does not account for the fates of 8.8
million public sector workers not covered by OSHA. It does not include deaths in
the underground economy. Not the street dealers killed by rivals or police, and
not the hookers and massage artists murdered in the line of duty by the likes of
the Craigslist killer.”
Typically, Democratic presidents like Clinton and now Obama commit during their
campaigns for some kind of “reform,” usually meaning some pledge that the
“disgrace” of 45 million or so uninsured Americans will end. In 1993 the
Clintons tried “health reform”– a monstrosity that I described at the time as
looking like a collaboration between Mondrian and Jackson Pollock - and the
insurance industry and lobbyists ate it for breakfast. The radical reformers
argue for a national insurance scheme, like Canada’s or the NHS, where the state
can use its purchasing weight to drive down drug prices, set rates, clean up the
system. This plan go back to the Health Service Act introduced by Ron Dellums
in Congress on May 4, 1977, providing for comprehensive , community-based health
services with progressive national financing. The Dellums bill had been under
discussion since the early 1970s when the Medical Committee for Human Rights
proposed a set of principles for a national health plan.
It’s not going to happen, any more than Obama will nationalize the banks and
tell householders to repudiate their mortgages. The insurance industry, the drug
industry, the real estate and finance sector are the most powerful forces in
the country. They’ve just got Obama to commit $23 trillion to their enduring
welfare. They’re not going to surrender the treasure trove known as healthcare
without serious blood-letting on the barricades. They own the Congress. Men like
former Democratic senate leader Tom Daschle spring to do their bidding. So,
Obama finally produced a timid compromise, whereby uninsured people would be
herded under various health insurance umbrellas with “a public component.” Even
if the health industry’s hired man, Senator Max Baucus, had not deep-sixed the
public component, the insurance industry could swallow it like a python
swallowing a field mouse. Though Obama sometimes confides that the public
component of his plan is the springboard to full-bore single payer national
health, this is transparent fantasy. In present political conditions, the
publicly insured component would soon become a ghetto, offering minimal care to
the indigent, and gradually shriveled into some sort of punitive maintenance scheme.
It’s sometimes argued that a decent single payer system would be functional to
U.S. capitalism, since industries like the auto sector would be liberated from
the burden of health costs. There are scores of decent policies that would be
functional to US capitalism. But the soul of US capitalism is wedded to
indecency. Consider torture and the death penalty. Critics of these procedures
sometimes argue that they don’t work, or are inefficient. People spout out lies
amid their torments. Innocent people die in the gas chamber and the justice
system is injured in reputation thereby.. But the real allure of torture and
capital punishment for the owners of the system is to instill fear and
compliance precisely by the demonstration of vindictive irrationality.
Fear never fails. Americans, burdened with the worst and most exploitative
health system of any advanced country, are now being expertly stampeded by the
right's campaign that Obama's health plan means that state-licensed executioners
will make the unilateral decision to give granny her final morphine shot
whenever they think fit. The present system means that granny gets her final
morphine shot once her money runs out.
The liberals are howling bout the unfairness of these attacks, led by Sarah
Palin, revived by her “Death Panel” talk and equipped with a dexterous new
speech writer who is even adding footnotes to her press releases.
But what is a conservative meant to think? Since the major preoccupation of
liberals for 30 years has been the right to kill embryos, why should they not be
suspect in their intentions toward those gasping in the thin air of senility?
There is a strong eugenic thread to American progressivism, most horribly
expressed in its very successful campaign across much of the twentieth century
to sterilize “imbeciles.” Abortion is now widening in its function as a eugenic
device. Women in their 40s take fertility drugs, then abort the inconvenient
twins, triplets or quadruplets when they show up on the scan.
In 1972, a year before the Supreme Court’s Roe v. Wade decision legalized
abortion on demand nationwide, virtually all children with trisomy 21, or Down
syndrome, were born. Less than a decade later, with the widespread availability
of pre-natal genetic testing, as many as 90 percent of women whose babies were
pre-natally diagnosed with the genetic condition chose to abort the child.
One survey of 499 primary care physicians treating women carrying these babies,
however, indicated that only 4 percent actively encourage women to bring Down
syndrome babies to term. A story on the CNS News Service last year quoted Dr.
Will Johnston, president of Canadian Physicians for Life, reacted to the
American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) pre-natal testing
endorsement as another step toward eugenics.“The progress of eugenic abortion
into the heart of our society is a classic example of “mission creep,’ ” Johnson
said. “In the 1960s, we were told that legal abortion would be a rare tragic act
in cases of exceptional hardship. In the ’70s abortion began to be both decried
and accepted as birth control. In the ’80s respected geneticists pointed out
that it was cheaper to hunt for and abort Down’s babies than to raise them. By
the ’90s that observation had been widely put into action. Now we are refining
and extending our eugenic vision, with new tests and abortion as our central
tools.”
So if we have mission creep in the opening round, what’s to persuade people
that there won’t be mission creep at the other and the kindly official
discussing living wills won’t tiptoe out of the ward and tell the hospital that
the old fellow he’s just conferred with is ripe to meet his maker. The author of
the provision – now dropped – in the health bill before Congress – for “end of
life” counseling was Democratic Rep Earl Blumenauer of Oregon. Blumenauer has
denounced the “death panel” description as a “terrible falsehood.” Maybe so.
But Blumenauer is hot for “death with dignity”, as a speech he made in Congress
in 2000 makes clear: “A major concern [in an attempted revision of the Balanced
Budget Act]is a provision that would criminalize decisions doctors make on pain
management for the most seriously ill and overturn Oregon's Death with Dignity
Act. Oregonians have twice voted to support the assisted suicide law. H.R. 2614
not only is an attack on the Democratic process, but also threatens to pain
management. There is evidence that doctors are increasingly hesitant to
prescribe pain medications to terminally ill patients for fear of being accused
of unlawfully assisting a suicide. The on-going attempts by Congress to
criminalize the doctor-patient relationship are a threat to pain management in
all fifty states.”
For forty years, every American president has deprecated the powers of
government to improve the public weal. Why now should Americans believe that any
government-backed “health reform” will do them any good, as opposed to assigning
them the appropriate lifespan, relative to their income and contributions to the
corporate bottom line, which is what the present system amounts to?
http://www.counterpunch.org/
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