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<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=3> Here is an article that indicates that Obama
is no better and in fact maybe worse than Bush on expanding the THREE wars we
face ;</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=3> </FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial>1) The wars of corporate imperialism ( Iraq, Afganistan,
etc )</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial>2) The class war - The attempt to push wages and living
standards to 3rd world levels in the U.S. </FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial>3) The drug war - the fascade to attack our rights to
privacy and fuel the private prison / police state industrial
complex.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial>David J.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV style="FONT: 10pt arial">----- Original Message -----
<DIV style="BACKGROUND: #e4e4e4; font-color: black"><B>From:</B> <A
title=briandolinar@gmail.com href="mailto:briandolinar@gmail.com">Brian
Dolinar</A> </DIV>
<DIV><B>To:</B> <A title=discuss@communitycourtwatch.org
href="mailto:discuss@communitycourtwatch.org">discuss list</A> </DIV>
<DIV><B>Sent:</B> Monday, December 20, 2010 8:42 AM</DIV>
<DIV><B>Subject:</B> [Discuss] Fwd: [CEDP] Michelle Alexander on Obama's Drug
War</DIV></DIV>
<DIV><BR></DIV><BR><BR>
<DIV class=gmail_quote>---------- Forwarded message ----------<BR>From: <B
class=gmail_sendername>Marlene Martin</B> <SPAN dir=ltr><<A
href="mailto:marlene@nodeathpenalty.org">marlene@nodeathpenalty.org</A>></SPAN><BR>Date:
Mon, Dec 20, 2010 at 7:48 AM<BR>Subject: [CEDP] Michelle Alexander on Obama's
Drug War<BR>To: CEDP national list serve <<A
href="mailto:cedp_national_office@yahoogroups.com">cedp_national_office@yahoogroups.com</A>><BR><BR><BR>
<DIV style="BACKGROUND-COLOR: rgb(255,255,255)"><SPAN> </SPAN>
<DIV>
<DIV>
<DIV>
<P><FONT face="Verdana, Helvetica, Arial"><SPAN
style="FONT-SIZE: 12px"><BR></SPAN><FONT size=5><SPAN
style="FONT-SIZE: 16px"><B>Obama's Drug War <A
href="http://www.thenation.com/article/156997/obamas-drug-war>"
target=_blank><http://www.thenation.com/article/156997/obamas-drug-war></A>
<BR></B></SPAN></FONT><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 12px"><BR>Source: The
Nation<BR>Michelle Alexander <A
href="http://www.thenation.com/authors/michelle-alexander"
target=_blank><http://www.thenation.com/authors/michelle-alexander></A> |
December 9, 2010<BR><BR>Among the very few people celebrating our country's
fiscal crisis are criminal justice reformers. Bill Piper, national affairs
director for the Drug Policy Alliance, gushed recently, "Budgetary issues is
where I'm most optimistic. Given the fiscal climate, there could be real cuts in
the federal budget. Next year is probably an unprecedented opportunity to defund
the federal drug war." His enthusiasm reflects a confluence of somewhat
surprising events. For the first time in decades, politicians across the
political spectrum, including some who were once "get tough" true believers, are
wondering aloud whether the drug war has become too expensive. The conservative
Heritage Foundation issued a report on the eve of the midterm elections calling
for a whopping $343 billion in federal budget cuts, including elimination of the
Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) and the Justice Assistance Grant
program (formerly known as the Byrne grant program), which has long provided the
financial fuel that powers regional drug task forces and the drug war machine.
At the state level, where the economic crisis has been felt most acutely, at
least eighteen legislatures have reduced or eliminated harsh mandatory minimum
sentences, and more than two dozen have restored early-release programs and
offered treatment instead of incarceration for some drug offenders.<BR><BR>Could
this be the beginning of the end of the drug war, a war that has reportedly cost
more than $1 trillion in the past few decades, with little to show for it beyond
millions who have been branded criminals and felons, ushered behind bars and
then released into a permanent second-class status? More than 30 million people
have been arrested since 1982, when President Reagan turned Nixon's rhetorical
"war against drugs" into a literal war against poor people of color. During the
past few decades, African-American men, in particular, have been arrested at
stunning rates, primarily for nonviolent, relatively minor drug offenses—despite
data indicating that people of all races use and sell drugs at remarkably
similar rates. In some states, 80 to 90 percent of all drug offenders admitted
to prison have been African-American, and when released they find themselves
ushered into a parallel universe where they are stripped of many of the rights
supposedly won during the civil rights movement. People labeled felons are often
denied the right to vote and legally discriminated against in employment,
housing, access to education and public benefits—relegated to a second-class
status for life simply because they were once caught with drugs. Could the
economic crisis finally put an end to this madness? Is the drug war machinery
that produced a vast new racial undercaste finally winding down?<BR><BR>* *
*<BR><BR>At first blush, Piper's optimism seems well-founded. Bipartisan zeal
for budget cutting has coincided with the Obama administration's expressed
support for kinder, gentler drug policy. Obama's drug czar, Gil Kerlikowske,
told the Wall Street Journal last year that he would no longer refer to our
nation's drug policy as a "war on drugs" because "we're not at war with people
in this country." Drug abuse ought to be viewed as a public health problem, he
says, with more resources devoted to ensuring that fewer people suffer from
addiction. That's music to the ears of many criminal justice reformers, who have
fought heroically for such reform in far less sympathetic political
climates.<BR><BR>Kerlikowske insists that the shift is not purely rhetorical,
and in a certain respect he's right. More money is being channeled into drug
treatment. But here's the rub: as the overall drug control budget continues to
grow, the ratio between treatment and prevention (36 percent) and interdiction
and enforcement (64 percent) remains the same as that found in the Bush
administration budget in fiscal year 2009. Expenditures for "lock 'em up"
approaches continue to climb.<BR><BR>Many well-intentioned advocates argue that
the best way to push the Obama administration to move beyond kinder, gentler
rhetoric to meaningful policy reform is by presenting drug law reform as a
budget issue. Given the belt-tightening mood in Congress and the reluctance of
the administration to show leadership on issues of race, the thinking goes, now
is not the time to link drug law reform to a broader movement for racial
justice. Ending our nation's racial divisions and anxieties is pie in the sky, a
utopian dream. Better to stick with cost-benefit analyses of drug treatment
versus incarceration, and show the public that it's cheaper to send a kid to
college than to prison.<BR><BR>The problem with that strategy is that it won't
work, even during a time of economic crisis. This moment of opportunity, which
Piper rightly celebrates, will inevitably fail to produce large-scale change in
the absence of a large-scale movement—one that seeks to dismantle not only the
system of mass incarceration and the drug war apparatus but also the habits of
mind that allow us to view poor people of color trapped in ghettos as "others,"
unworthy of our collective care and concern.<BR><BR>* * *<BR><BR>Why the
pessimism? Two reasons. The first, and most obvious, is that the current
economic crisis cuts both ways. The same fiscal concerns that have inspired a
growing number of states to reconsider harsh and expensive mandatory minimum
sentences have also inspired the Obama administration to increase funding for
failed law enforcement initiatives, like the Community Oriented Policing
Services (COPS) and the Byrne grant program—two programs the Bush Administration
had begun to phase out.<BR><BR>According to Slate, Vice President Joe Biden once
boasted that the COPS program, which put tens of thousands of officers on the
streets, was responsible for the dramatic fifteen-year drop in violent crime
that began in the early 1990s. But empirical studies proved that claim false.
For example, a peer-reviewed study in the journal <I>Criminology</I> found that
the COPS program, despite the hype and the cost—more than $8 billion—"had little
to or no effect on crime." The Byrne grant program, originally devised by the
Reagan administration to encourage state and local law enforcement agencies to
join the drug war, has poured millions of dollars into drug task forces around
the country that are notorious for racial profiling, including highway drug
interdiction programs and neighborhood "stop and frisk" programs. These programs
have successfully ushered millions of poor folks of color into a permanent
undercaste—largely for engaging in the same types of minor drug crimes that go
ignored in middle-class white communities and on college
campuses.<BR><BR>Despite the ineffectiveness of many of these federal programs,
the temptation to revive them has proven irresistible. Putting more police
officers on payroll and preventing layoffs seems politically savvy when
unemployment figures remain high and key states are up for grabs. Indeed, when
Attorney General Eric Holder announced last year that Byrne grant funds (now
known as JAG funds) would be used to save jobs in Columbus, Ohio, the story made
the front page of the Columbus Dispatch. As Holder explained in his press
release: "In January, 25 Columbus police recruits learned that they would be let
go rather than sworn-in; but because of Recovery Act JAG funds these police
officers will keep their jobs protecting their community." Similar
considerations inspired Democrats to include $2 billion in increased funding for
the Byrne grant program in the 2009 stimulus package, nearly a twelvefold
increase in financing. The channeling of stimulus dollars to law enforcement may
help some keep their jobs, but as New York Times columnist Charles Blow recently
observed, it's a "callous political calculus.... The fact that they are ruining
the lives of hundreds of thousands of black and Hispanic men and, by extension,
the communities they belong to barely seems to register."<BR><BR>For those who
might imagine that the 2009 stimulus package was an aberration, Obama's proposed
drug control budget for 2011 reveals that hard economic times are not
translating into any scaling back of the drug war. John Carnevale, former
director of planning and budget at the ONDCP, testified before a Congressional
subcommittee charged with reviewing the 2011 drug control budget in April that
"with the arrival of the Obama administration came the hope that a new budget
would emerge that would redress the failures of the past"; but instead the new
budget looks much like the old one. To make matters worse, Carnevale explained,
the 2011 budget does not represent a comprehensive accounting of federal drug
control expenditures. Many spending categories that have been counted as
"prevention" or "treatment" are actually funding law enforcement or
non-drug-related programs—calling into question the claim that treatment funding
is on the rise. In Carnevale's words, "The last time this nation saw such a
large emphasis on supply reduction was the Reagan
administration."<BR><BR>Whether one believes, as Carnevale apparently does, that
Obama's drug war is actually worse than his predecessors', one thing is clear:
Obama is in no hurry to scale it back to any significant degree, much less end
it. The drug war is now too deeply rooted in our nation's political and economic
structure to be cast aside. The war rhetoric may have ended and the song may
have changed, but the system hums along.<BR><BR>* * *<BR><BR>This brings us to
the second, and more important, reason fiscal concerns won't end mass
incarceration: the race card will be played by those who seek to preserve the
system. In the absence of a major social movement that proactively deals with
race in a constructive way, old racial divisions will trump new concerns about
cost.<BR><BR>If you doubt that's the case, consider what is at stake. If we were
to return to the rates of incarceration our nation had in the 1970s—a time, by
the way, when many civil rights advocates thought incarceration rates were
egregiously high—we would need to release four out of five people currently
behind bars. More than a million people employed by the criminal justice system
could lose their jobs. Most new prison construction has occurred in
predominantly white, rural communities already teetering on the edge of economic
collapse. Those prisons across America would have to close. Private prison
companies and all the corporate interests that profit from caging human beings
would be forced to watch their earnings vanish.<BR><BR>Clearly, any attempt to
downsize our nation's prisons dramatically would be met with fierce resistance
by those faced with losing jobs, investments and other benefits. The emotion and
high anxiety would almost certainly express itself in the form of a racially
charged debate about values, morals and personal responsibility rather than a
debate about the prison economy. Few people would openly argue that we should
lock up millions of poor people just so other people can have jobs or get a good
return on their private investments. Instead, familiar arguments would likely
resurface about the need to be "tough" on "them"—a group of people defined in
the media and political discourse not so subtly as black and brown.<BR><BR>The
public debate would inevitably turn to race, even if politicians were not
explicitly talking about it. Willie Horton–type ads would likely resurface, as
would media coverage of the "pathologies" of the "urban poor." As history has
shown, the prevalence of powerful (unchallenged) racial stereotypes about the
undeserving "others," together with widespread apprehension regarding major
structural changes, would create an environment in which implicit racial appeals
could be employed, yet again, with great success.<BR><BR>Even if significant
reforms can be won in the midst of an economic crisis without addressing our
nation's racial divisions and anxieties, such gains will likely prove temporary.
If a new, more just and compassionate public consensus about poor people of
color is not forged, we as a nation will not hesitate to sweep them up en masse
for minor drug crimes as soon as we can afford once again to do so. Similarly,
if and when crime rates rise, nothing will deter politicians from making black
and brown criminals once again their favorite whipping boys. The criminalization
and demonization of black men is one habit that America seems unlikely to break
without addressing head-on the racial dynamics that have given rise to our
latest caste system.<BR><BR>Although colorblind cost-benefit approaches often
seem pragmatic in the short run, in the long run they are counterproductive.
They leave intact the racial attitudes, stereotypes and anxieties that gave rise
to the system in the first place. The problem lies in the nature of the system
itself, not the cost. And the only way to dismantle the system is by building a
broad coalition of Americans unwilling to accept it at any price.<BR><BR>Martin
Luther King Jr. could have argued that separate water fountains were too
expensive, a waste of money. He would have been right about that. But cost was
beside the point. It should be beside the point today.<BR><BR>Published on
<I>The Nation</I> (<A href="http://www.thenation.com"
target=_blank>http://www.thenation.com</A> <A href="http://www.thenation.com/"
target=_blank><http://www.thenation.com/></A>
)<BR> <BR> | </SPAN></FONT>
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clear=all><BR>-- <BR>Brian Dolinar, Ph.D.<BR>303 W. Locust St.<BR>Urbana, IL
61801<BR><A href="mailto:briandolinar@gmail.com">briandolinar@gmail.com</A><BR>
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