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<DIV><STRONG><FONT face=Arial>Yes,</FONT></STRONG></DIV>
<DIV><STRONG><FONT face=Arial></FONT></STRONG> </DIV>
<DIV><STRONG><FONT face=Arial>And in fact if Iam not mistaken, Mandella was on
the U.S. Terrorist Watch List until a few years ago.</FONT></STRONG></DIV>
<DIV><STRONG><FONT face=Arial></FONT></STRONG> </DIV>
<DIV><STRONG><FONT face=Arial>David Johnson</FONT></STRONG></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
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<DIV style="FONT: 10pt arial">----- Original Message ----- </DIV>
<DIV
style="FONT: 10pt arial; BACKGROUND: #e4e4e4; font-color: black"><B>From:</B>
<A title=jencart13@yahoo.com href="mailto:jencart13@yahoo.com">Jenifer
Cartwright</A> </DIV>
<DIV style="FONT: 10pt arial"><B>To:</B> <A
title=peace-discuss@lists.chambana.net
href="mailto:peace-discuss@lists.chambana.net">Peace-discuss</A> </DIV>
<DIV style="FONT: 10pt arial"><B>Sent:</B> Friday, December 06, 2013 7:22
PM</DIV>
<DIV style="FONT: 10pt arial"><B>Subject:</B> [Peace-discuss] Fw: Informed
Comment - two articles re Mandela</DIV>
<DIV><BR></DIV>
<DIV
style="BACKGROUND-COLOR: #fff; FONT-FAMILY: verdana, helvetica, sans-serif; COLOR: #000; FONT-SIZE: 10pt">
<DIV><SPAN>Pls read Mandela's declaration to the court from 1964 (see my
highlights, below).</SPAN></DIV>
<DIV
style="BACKGROUND-COLOR: transparent; FONT-STYLE: normal; FONT-FAMILY: verdana,helvetica,sans-serif; COLOR: rgb(0,0,0); FONT-SIZE: 13px"><SPAN>Also
US and Israel's opposition to Mandela and support for Apartheid.
<BR></SPAN></DIV>
<DIV><BR></DIV>
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<DIV dir=ltr>----- Forwarded Message -----<BR><FONT size=2 face=Arial><B><SPAN
style="FONT-WEIGHT: bold">From:</SPAN></B> Informed Comment <<A
href="mailto:jricole@gmail.com">jricole@gmail.com</A>><BR><B><SPAN
style="FONT-WEIGHT: bold">To:</SPAN></B> <A
href="mailto:jencart13@yahoo.com">jencart13@yahoo.com</A> <BR><B><SPAN
style="FONT-WEIGHT: bold">Sent:</SPAN></B> Friday, December 6, 2013 3:06
PM<BR><B><SPAN style="FONT-WEIGHT: bold">Subject:</SPAN></B> Informed
Comment<BR></FONT></DIV>
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<LI><A href="http://us-mg5.mail.yahoo.com/neo/launch?.rand=5i1drv5t1crm2#1"
rel=nofollow>Photo of the Day: Mandela Training in Algeria</A>
<LI><A href="http://us-mg5.mail.yahoo.com/neo/launch?.rand=5i1drv5t1crm2#2"
rel=nofollow>Mandela: We want equal Political Rights; When Protest was
Outlawed, we chose Sabotage</A>
<LI><A href="http://us-mg5.mail.yahoo.com/neo/launch?.rand=5i1drv5t1crm2#3"
rel=nofollow>NAS: From Ice Sheet Collapse to Mass Extinctions, You’re not
Ready for Climate Change</A>
<LI><A href="http://us-mg5.mail.yahoo.com/neo/launch?.rand=5i1drv5t1crm2#4"
rel=nofollow>United States, Israel opposed Mandela, supported Apartheid</A>
<LI><A href="http://us-mg5.mail.yahoo.com/neo/launch?.rand=5i1drv5t1crm2#5"
rel=nofollow>Tunisian Rapper Jailed for 4 Months for Insulting the
Police</A> </LI></UL>
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<DIV style="MARGIN: 1em 0px 3px"><A
style="FONT-FAMILY: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; FONT-SIZE: 18px"
href="http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/juancole/ymbn/~3/SpCkDZ2SUIw/mandela-training-algeria.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email"
name=1 rel=nofollow target=_blank>Photo of the Day: Mandela Training in
Algeria</A> </DIV>
<DIV
style="LINE-HEIGHT: 140%; MARGIN: 9px 0px 3px; FONT-FAMILY: Georgia, Helvetica, Arial, Sans-Serif; COLOR: #555; FONT-SIZE: 13px"><SPAN>Posted:</SPAN>
06 Dec 2013 12:26 PM PST</DIV>
<DIV
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<DIV><A
href="http://www.juancole.com/images/2013/12/Ba0lKhoIcAAeRNF.jpg"
rel=nofollow target=_blank><IMG
class="yiv8009808399alignnone yiv8009808399size-full yiv8009808399wp-image-44858"
alt=Ba0lKhoIcAAeRNF
src="http://www.juancole.com/images/2013/12/Ba0lKhoIcAAeRNF.jpg"
width=570 height=420></A></DIV>
<DIV>h/t Sami Ben Gharbia @ifikra </DIV>
<DIV>Nelson Mandela training with the Algerian Liberation Front in 1962.
The Algerians fought an 8-year war, 1954-1962, to become independent
from French imperialism, in the course of which between half a million
and a million Algerians died (the population of the country was then 11
million). In 1962, South Africa was ruled by right wing Afrikaners who
denied the black majority basic human rights, including the franchise,
while exploiting their labor.</DIV></DIV></TD></TR>
<TR>
<TD style="LINE-HEIGHT: 1.4em; MARGIN-BOTTOM: 0px">
<DIV style="MARGIN: 1em 0px 3px"><A
style="FONT-FAMILY: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; FONT-SIZE: 18px"
href="http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/juancole/ymbn/~3/wlCXC17VRQQ/political-outlawed-sabotage.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email"
name=2 rel=nofollow target=_blank>Mandela: We want equal Political
Rights; When Protest was Outlawed, we chose Sabotage</A> </DIV>
<DIV
style="LINE-HEIGHT: 140%; MARGIN: 9px 0px 3px; FONT-FAMILY: Georgia, Helvetica, Arial, Sans-Serif; COLOR: #555; FONT-SIZE: 13px"><SPAN>Posted:</SPAN>
06 Dec 2013 12:01 AM PST</DIV>
<DIV
style="LINE-HEIGHT: 140%; MARGIN: 0px; FONT-FAMILY: Georgia, Helvetica, Arial, Sans-Serif; COLOR: #000000; FONT-SIZE: 13px">
<DIV><SPAN style="BACKGROUND-COLOR: rgb(253,239,43)">Mandela’s
declaration to the court as his trial began in Pretoria at the Supreme
Court of South Africa on April 20, 1964</SPAN></DIV>
<DIV>I am the first accused. I hold a bachelor’s degree in arts and
practised as an attorney in Johannesburg for a number of years in
partnership with Oliver Tambo. I am a convicted prisoner serving five
years for leaving the country without a permit and for inciting people
to go on strike at the end of May 1961.</DIV>
<DIV>At the outset, I want to say that the suggestion that the struggle
in South Africa is under the influence of foreigners or communists is
wholly incorrect. I have done whatever I did because of my experience in
South Africa and my own proudly felt African background, and not because
of what any outsider might have said. In my youth in the Transkei I
listened to the elders of my tribe telling stories of the old days.
Amongst the tales they related to me were those of wars fought by our
ancestors in defence of the fatherland. The names of Dingane and
Bambata, Hintsa and Makana, Squngthi and Dalasile, Moshoeshoe and
Sekhukhuni, were praised as the glory of the entire African nation. I
hoped then that life might offer me the opportunity to serve my people
and make my own humble contribution to their freedom struggle.</DIV>
<DIV>Some of the things so far told to the court are true and some are
untrue. I do not, however, deny that I planned sabotage. I did not plan
it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love of violence.
I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political
situation that had arisen after many years of tyranny, exploitation, and
oppression of my people by the whites.</DIV>
<DIV>I admit immediately that I was one of the persons who helped to
form Umkhonto we Sizwe. I deny that Umkhonto was responsible for a
number of acts which clearly fell outside the policy of the
organisation, and which have been charged in the indictment against us.
I, and the others who started the organisation, felt that without
violence there would be no way open to the African people to succeed in
their struggle against the principle of white supremacy. All lawful
modes of expressing opposition to this principle had been closed by
legislation, and we were placed in a position in which we had either to
accept a permanent state of inferiority, or to defy the government. We
chose to defy the law.</DIV>
<DIV>We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to
violence; when this form was legislated against, and then the government
resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only
then did we decide to answer violence with violence.</DIV>
<DIV>The African National Congress was formed in 1912 to defend the
rights of the African people, which had been seriously curtailed. For 37
years – that is, until 1949 – it adhered strictly to a constitutional
struggle. But white governments remained unmoved, and the rights of
Africans became less instead of becoming greater. Even after 1949, the
ANC remained determined to avoid violence. At this time, however, the
decision was taken to protest against apartheid by peaceful, but
unlawful, demonstrations. More than 8,500 people went to jail. Yet there
was not a single instance of violence. I and 19 colleagues were
convicted for organising the campaign, but our sentences were suspended
mainly because the judge found that discipline and non-violence had been
stressed throughout.</DIV>
<DIV>During the defiance campaign, the Public Safety Act and the
Criminal Law Amendment Act were passed. These provided harsher penalties
for protests against [the] laws. Despite this, the protests continued
and the ANC adhered to its policy of non-violence. In 1956, 156 leading
members of the Congress Alliance, including myself, were arrested. The
non-violent policy of the ANC was put in issue by the state, but when
the court gave judgment some five years later, it found that the ANC did
not have a policy of violence.</DIV>
<DIV>In 1960 there was the shooting at Sharpeville, which resulted in
the declaration of the ANC as an unlawful organisation. My colleagues
man and I, after careful consideration, decided that we would not obey
this decree. The African people were not part of the government and did
not make the laws by which they were governed. We believed in the words
of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that “the will of the
people shall be the basis of authority of the government”, and for us to
accept the banning was equivalent to accepting the silencing of the
Africans for all time. The ANC refused to dissolve, but instead went
underground.</DIV>
<DIV>In 1960 the government held a referendum which led to the
establishment of the republic. Africans, who constituted approximately
70% of the population, were not entitled to vote, and were not even
consulted. I undertook to be responsible for organising the national
stay-at-home called to coincide with the declaration of the republic. As
all strikes by Africans are illegal, the person organising such a strike
must avoid arrest. I had to leave my home and family and my practice and
go into hiding to avoid arrest. The stay-at-home was to be a peaceful
demonstration. Careful instructions were given to avoid any recourse to
violence.</DIV>
<DIV>The government’s answer was to introduce new and harsher laws, to
mobilise its armed forces, and to send Saracens, armed vehicles, and
soldiers into the townships in a massive show of force designed to
intimidate the people. The government had decided to rule by force
alone, and this decision was a milestone on the road to Umkhonto. What
were we, the leaders of our people, to do? We had no doubt that we had
to continue the fight. Anything else would have been abject surrender.
Our problem was not whether to fight, but was how to continue the
fight.</DIV>
<DIV>We of the ANC had always stood for a non-racial democracy, and we
shrank from any action which might drive the races further apart. But
the hard facts were that 50 years of non-violence had brought the
African people nothing but more and more repressive legislation, and
fewer and fewer rights. By this time violence had, in fact, become a
feature of the South African political scene.</DIV>
<DIV>There had been violence in 1957 when the women of Zeerust were
ordered to carry passes; there was violence in 1958 with the enforcement
of cattle culling in Sekhukhuneland; there was violence in 1959 when the
people of Cato Manor protested against pass raids; there was violence in
1960 when the government attempted to impose Bantu authorities in
Pondoland. Each disturbance pointed to the inevitable growth among
Africans of the belief that violence was the only way out – it showed
that a government which uses force to maintain its rule teaches the
oppressed to use force to oppose it.</DIV>
<DIV>I came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was
inevitable, it would be unrealistic to continue preaching peace and
non-violence. This conclusion was not easily arrived at. It was only
when all else had failed, when all channels of peaceful protest had been
barred to us, that the decision was made to embark on violent forms of
political struggle. I can only say that I felt morally obliged to do
what I did.</DIV>
<DIV>Four forms of violence were possible. There is sabotage, there is
guerrilla warfare, there is terrorism, and there is open revolution. We
chose to adopt the first. Sabotage did not involve loss of life, and it
offered the best hope for future race relations. Bitterness would be
kept to a minimum and, if the policy bore fruit, democratic government
could become a reality. The initial plan was based on a careful analysis
of the political and economic situation of our country. We believed that
South Africa depended to a large extent on foreign capital. We felt that
planned destruction of power plants, and interference with rail and
telephone communications, would scare away capital from the country,
thus compelling the voters of the country to reconsider their position.
Umkhonto had its first operation on December 16 1961, when government
buildings in Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth and Durban were attacked. The
selection of targets is proof of the policy to which I have referred.
Had we intended to attack life we would have selected targets where
people congregated and not empty buildings and power stations.</DIV>
<DIV>The whites failed to respond by suggesting change; they responded
to our call by suggesting the laager. In contrast, the response of the
Africans was one of encouragement. Suddenly there was hope again. People
began to speculate on how soon freedom would be obtained.</DIV>
<DIV>But we in Umkhonto weighed up the white response with anxiety. The
lines were being drawn. The whites and blacks were moving into separate
camps, and the prospects of avoiding a civil war were made less. The
white newspapers carried reports that sabotage would be punished by
death. If this was so, how could we continue to keep Africans away from
terrorism?</DIV>
<DIV>We felt it our duty to make preparations to use force in order to
defend ourselves against force. We decided, therefore to make provision
for the possibility of guerrilla warfare. All whites undergo compulsory
military training, but no such training was given to Africans. It was in
our view essential to build up a nucleus of trained men who would be
able to provide the leadership which would be required if guerrilla
warfare started.</DIV>
<DIV>At this stage it was decided that I should attend the Conference of
the Pan-African Freedom Movement which was to be held early in 1962 in
Addis Ababa, and after the conference, I would undertake a tour of the
African states with a view to obtaining facilities for the training of
soldiers. My tour was a success. Wherever I went I met sympathy for our
cause and promises of help. All Africa was united against the stand of
white South Africa, and even in London I was received with great
sympathy by political leaders, such as Mr Gaitskell and Mr
Grimond.</DIV>
<DIV>I started to make a study of the art of war and revolution and,
whilst abroad, underwent a course in military training. If there was to
be guerrilla warfare, I wanted to be able to stand and fight with my
people and to share the hazards of war with them.</DIV>
<DIV>On my return I found that there had been little alteration in the
political scene save, that the threat of a death penalty for sabotage
had now become a fact.</DIV>
<DIV>Another of the allegations made by the state is that the aims and
objects of the ANC and the Communist party are the same. The creed of
the ANC is, and always has been, the creed of African nationalism. It is
not the concept of African nationalism expressed in the cry, “Drive the
white man into the sea.” The African nationalism for which the ANC
stands is the concept of freedom and fulfilment for the African people
in their own land. The most important political document ever adopted by
the ANC is the “freedom charter”. It is by no means a blueprint for a
socialist state. It calls for redistribution, but not nationalisation,
of land; it provides for nationalisation of mines, banks, and monopoly
industry, because big monopolies are owned by one race only, and without
such nationalisation racial domination would be perpetuated despite the
spread of political power. Under the freedom charter, nationalisation
would take place in an economy based on private enterprise.</DIV>
<DIV>As far as the Communist party is concerned, and if I understand its
policy correctly, it stands for the establishment of a state based on
the principles of Marxism. The Communist party sought to emphasise class
distinctions whilst the ANC seeks to harmonise them. This is a vital
distinction.</DIV>
<DIV>It is true that there has often been close cooperation between the
ANC and the Communist party. But cooperation is merely proof of a common
goal – in this case the removal of white supremacy – and is not proof of
a complete community of interests. The history of the world is full of
similar examples. Perhaps the most striking is the cooperation between
Great Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union in the fight
against Hitler. Nobody but Hitler would have dared to suggest that such
cooperation turned Churchill or Roosevelt into communists. Theoretical
differences amongst those fighting against oppression is a luxury we
cannot afford at this stage.</DIV>
<DIV>What is more, for many decades communists were the only political
group in South Africa prepared to treat Africans as human beings and
their equals; who were prepared to eat with us; talk with us, live with
us, and work with us. They were the only group which was prepared to
work with the Africans for the attainment of political rights and a
stake in society. Because of this, there are many Africans who, today,
tend to equate freedom with communism. They are supported in this belief
by a legislature which brands all exponents of democratic government and
African freedom as communists and bans many of them (who are not
communists) under the Suppression of Communism Act. Although I have
never been a member of the Communist party, I myself have been
imprisoned under that act.</DIV>
<DIV>I have always regarded myself, in the first place, as an African
patriot. Today I am attracted by the idea of a classless society, an
attraction which springs in part from Marxist reading and, in part, from
my admiration of the structure of early African societies. The land
belonged to the tribe. There were no rich or poor and there was no
exploitation. We all accept the need for some form of socialism to
enable our people to catch up with the advanced countries of this world
and to overcome their legacy of extreme poverty. But this does not mean
we are Marxists.</DIV>
<DIV>I have gained the impression that communists regard the
parliamentary system of the west as reactionary. But, on the contrary, I
am an admirer. The Magna Carta, the Petition of Right, and the Bill of
Rights are documents held in veneration by democrats throughout the
world. I have great respect for British institutions, and for the
country’s system of justice. I regard the British parliament as the most
democratic institution in the world, and the impartiality of its
judiciary never fails to arouse my admiration. The American Congress,
that country’s separation of powers, as well as the independence of its
judiciary, arouses in me similar sentiments.</DIV>
<DIV>I have been influenced in my thinking by both west and east. I
should tie myself to no particular system of society other than of
socialism. I must leave myself free to borrow the best from the west and
from the east.</DIV>
<DIV>Our fight is against real, and not imaginary, hardships or, to use
the language of the state prosecutor, “so-called hardships”. Basically,
we fight against two features which are the hallmarks of African life in
South Africa and which are entrenched by legislation. These features are
poverty and lack of human dignity, and we do not need communists or
so-called “agitators” to teach us about these things. South Africa is
the richest country in Africa, and could be one of the richest countries
in the world. But it is a land of remarkable contrasts. The whites enjoy
what may be the highest standard of living in the world, whilst Africans
live in poverty and misery. Poverty goes hand in hand with malnutrition
and disease. Tuberculosis, pellagra and scurvy bring death and
destruction of health.</DIV>
<DIV>The complaint of Africans, however, is not only that they are poor
and the whites are rich, but that the laws which are made by the whites
are designed to preserve this situation. There are two ways to break out
of poverty. The first is by formal education, and the second is by the
worker acquiring a greater skill at his work and thus higher wages. As
far as Africans are concerned, both these avenues of advancement are
deliberately curtailed by legislation.</DIV>
<DIV>The government has always sought to hamper Africans in their search
for education. There is compulsory education for all white children at
virtually no cost to their parents, be they rich or poor. African
children, however, generally have to pay more for their schooling than
whites.</DIV>
<DIV>Approximately 40% of African children in the age group seven to 14
do not attend school. For those who do, the standards are vastly
different from those afforded to white children. Only 5,660 African
children in the whole of South Africa passed their junior certificate in
1962, and only 362 passed matric.</DIV>
<DIV>This is presumably consistent with the policy of Bantu education
about which the present prime minister said: “When I have control of
native education I will reform it so that natives will be taught from
childhood to realise that equality with Europeans is not for them.
People who believe in equality are not desirable teachers for natives.
When my department controls native education it will know for what class
of higher education a native is fitted, and whether he will have a
chance in life to use his knowledge.”</DIV>
<DIV>The other main obstacle to the advancement of the African is the
industrial colour-bar under which all the better jobs of industry are
reserved for whites only. Moreover, Africans who do obtain employment in
the unskilled and semi-skilled occupations open to them are not allowed
to form trade unions which have recognition. This means that they are
denied the right of collective bargaining, which is permitted to the
better-paid white workers.</DIV>
<DIV>The government answers its critics by saying that Africans in South
Africa are better off than the inhabitants of the other countries in
Africa. I do not know whether this statement is true. But even if it is
true, as far as the African people are concerned it is irrelevant.</DIV>
<DIV>Our complaint is not that we are poor by comparison with people in
other countries, but that we are poor by comparison with the white
people in our own country, and that we are prevented by legislation from
altering this imbalance.</DIV>
<DIV>The lack of human dignity experienced by Africans is the direct
result of the policy of white supremacy. White supremacy implies black
inferiority. Legislation designed to preserve white supremacy entrenches
this notion. Menial tasks in South Africa are invariably performed by
Africans.</DIV>
<DIV>When anything has to be carried or cleaned the white man will look
around for an African to do it for him, whether the African is employed
by him or not. Because of this sort of attitude, whites tend to regard
Africans as a separate breed. They do not look upon them as people with
families of their own; they do not realise that they have emotions –
that they fall in love like white people do; that they want to be with
their wives and children like white people want to be with theirs; that
they want to earn enough money to support their families properly, to
feed and clothe them and send them to school. And what “house-boy” or
“garden-boy” or labourer can ever hope to do this?</DIV>
<DIV>Pass laws render any African liable to police surveillance at any
time. I doubt whether there is a single African male in South Africa who
has not had a brush with the police over his pass. Hundreds and
thousands of Africans are thrown into jail each year under pass
laws.</DIV>
<DIV>Even worse is the fact that pass laws keep husband and wife apart
and lead to the breakdown of family life. Poverty and the breakdown of
family have secondary effects. Children wander the streets because they
have no schools to go to, or no money to enable them to go, or no
parents at home to see that they go, because both parents (if there be
two) have to work to keep the family alive. This leads to a breakdown in
moral standards, to an alarming rise in illegitimacy, and to violence,
which erupts not only politically, but everywhere. Life in the townships
is dangerous. Not a day goes by without somebody being stabbed or
assaulted. And violence is carried out of the townships [into] the white
living areas. People are afraid to walk the streets after dark.
Housebreakings and robberies are increasing, despite the fact that the
death sentence can now be imposed for such offences. Death sentences
cannot cure the festering sore.</DIV>
<DIV>Africans want to be paid a living wage. Africans want to perform
work which they are capable of doing, and not work which the government
declares them to be capable of. Africans want to be allowed to live
where they obtain work, and not be endorsed out of an area because they
were not born there. Africans want to be allowed to own land in places
where they work, and not to be obliged to live in rented houses which
they can never call their own. Africans want to be part of the general
population, and not confined to living in their own ghettoes.</DIV>
<DIV>African men want to have their wives and children to live with them
where they work, and not be forced into an unnatural existence in men’s
hostels. African women want to be with their menfolk and not be left
permanently widowed in the reserves. Africans want to be allowed out
after 11 o’clock at night and not to be confined to their rooms like
little children. Africans want to be allowed to travel in their own
country and to seek work where they want to and not where the labour
bureau tells them to. Africans want a just share in the whole of South
Africa; they want security and a stake in society.</DIV>
<DIV>Above all, we want equal political rights, because without them our
disabilities will be permanent. I know this sounds revolutionary to the
whites in this country, because the majority of voters will be Africans.
This makes the white man fear democracy. But this fear cannot be allowed
to stand in the way of the only solution which will guarantee racial
harmony and freedom for all. It is not true that the enfranchisement of
all will result in racial domination. Political division, based on
colour, is entirely artificial and, when it disappears, so will the
domination of one colour group by another. The ANC has spent half a
century fighting against racialism. When it triumphs it will not change
that policy.</DIV>
<DIV>This then is what the ANC is fighting. Their struggle is a truly
national one. It is a struggle of the African people, inspired by their
own suffering and their own experience. It is a struggle for the right
to live. During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of
the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have
fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a
democratic and free society in which all persons live together in
harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to
live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am
prepared to die.</DIV>
<DIV>· With thanks to the Nelson Mandela Foundation </DIV>
<DIV>—-</DIV>
<DIV>Related <A href="http://youtu.be/nEbfT_BPbSM" rel=nofollow
target=_blank>video from AFP </A>: Mandela’s early life in
Soweto:</DIV></DIV></TD></TR>
<TR>
<TD style="LINE-HEIGHT: 1.4em; MARGIN-BOTTOM: 0px">
<DIV style="MARGIN: 1em 0px 3px"><A
style="FONT-FAMILY: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; FONT-SIZE: 18px"
href="http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/juancole/ymbn/~3/89y3W43EJYI/collapse-extinctions-climate.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email"
name=3 rel=nofollow target=_blank>NAS: From Ice Sheet Collapse to Mass
Extinctions, You’re not Ready for Climate Change</A> </DIV>
<DIV
style="LINE-HEIGHT: 140%; MARGIN: 9px 0px 3px; FONT-FAMILY: Georgia, Helvetica, Arial, Sans-Serif; COLOR: #555; FONT-SIZE: 13px"><SPAN>Posted:</SPAN>
05 Dec 2013 11:26 PM PST</DIV>
<DIV
style="LINE-HEIGHT: 140%; MARGIN: 0px; FONT-FAMILY: Georgia, Helvetica, Arial, Sans-Serif; COLOR: #000000; FONT-SIZE: 13px">
<DIV>By John Queally</DIV>
<DIV>Hang on. Get Ready. </DIV>
<DIV>Those are at least two of the takeaways from a <A
href="http://www.nap.edu/catalog.php?record_id=18373" rel=nofollow
target=_blank>new report</A> released by scientists in the National
Academy of Sciences on Tuesday which says the sudden impacts of climate
change this century and beyond are inevitable but warn that far too
little has been done to prepare for them.</DIV>
<DIV><SPAN class=yiv8009808399pullquote>"If you think about gradual
change, you can see where the road is and where you're going. With
abrupt changes and effects, the road suddenly drops out from under you."
–Prof. Tony Barnosky</SPAN></DIV>
<DIV>The report, <B><EM><A
href="http://www.nap.edu/catalog.php?record_id=18373" rel=nofollow
target=_blank>Abrupt Impacts of Climate Change</A></EM></B>, looks at
the issue of abrupt changes in climate, weather patterns, and the
impacts that can occur in a matter of years or decades, not the
lengthier scenarios that climate scientists sometimes focus on. (The
full report can be read online <A
href="http://www.nap.edu/openbook.php?record_id=18373&page=1"
rel=nofollow target=_blank>here</A>).</DIV>
<DIV>"The most challenging changes are the abrupt ones," said James
White, professor of geological sciences at the University of Colorado in
Boulder and chair of the report committee, at a press conference on
Tuesday.</DIV>
<DIV>"The planet is going to be warmer than most species living on Earth
today have seen it, including humans," added Tony Barnosky, a professor
in the Department of Integrative Biology at the University of
California, Berkeley. " The pace of change is orders of magnitude higher
than what species have experienced in the last tens of millions of
years. "</DIV>
<DIV>As journalist Kate Sheppard <A
href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/12/03/abrupt-climate-change_n_4378864.html"
rel=nofollow target=_blank>reports</A>:</DIV>
<BLOCKQUOTE>
<DIV>Other, more gradually occurring changes can still have abrupt
impacts on the ecosystem and human systems, such as the loss of
fisheries or shifts in where certain crops can be cultivated. Rapid
loss of ice, for example, would mean that sea levels rise at a much
faster rate than the current trend, which would have a significant
effect on coastal regions. A 3-foot rise in the seas is easier to
prepare for if it happens on a 100-year horizon than if it happens
within 30 years.</DIV>
<DIV>"If you think about gradual change, you can see where the road is
and where you're going," said Barnosky. "With abrupt changes and
effects, the road suddenly drops out from under you."</DIV></BLOCKQUOTE>
<DIV>These abrupt impacts, according to the report, have "the potential
to severely affect the physical climate system, natural systems, or
human systems." Additionally, it is the way that these system changes
are interconnected that the report focuses on.</DIV>
<DIV>“The reality is that the climate is changing,” said James W. C.
White, a paleoclimatologist at the University of Colorado Boulder, who
also contributed to the report. “It’s going to continue to happen, and
it’s going to be part of everyday life for centuries to come — perhaps
longer than that.”</DIV>
<DIV>As the <I>New York Times</I> <A
href="http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/04/science/earth/panel-says-global-warming-risks-sudden-deep-changes.html?ref=todayspaper&_r=0"
rel=nofollow target=_blank>reports</A>, the report's authors
specifically warn of the "possible collapse of polar sea ice, the
potential for a mass extinction of plant and animal life and the threat
of immense dead zones in the ocean."</DIV>
<DIV>Among its key recommendations, the scientific panel said that
better early warning systems should be put in place to monitor
geographic areas or essential natural systems. According to the report
summary:</DIV>
<BLOCKQUOTE>
<DIV>Because of the substantial risks to society and nature posed by
abrupt changes, this report recommends the development of an Abrupt
Change Early Warning System that would allow for the prediction and
possible mitigation of such changes before their societal impacts are
severe. Identifying key vulnerabilities can help guide efforts to
increase resiliency and avoid large damages from abrupt change in the
climate system, or in abrupt impacts of gradual changes in the climate
system, and facilitate more informed decisions on the proper balance
between mitigation and adaptation.</DIV>
<DIV>Although there is still much to learn about abrupt climate change
and abrupt climate impacts, to willfully ignore the threat of abrupt
change could lead to more costs, loss of life, suffering, and
environmental degradation. Abrupt Impacts of Climate Change makes the
case that the time is here to be serious about the threat of tipping
points so as to better anticipate and prepare ourselves for the
inevitable surprises.</DIV></BLOCKQUOTE>
<DIV>And the <I>Times</I> adds:</DIV>
<BLOCKQUOTE>
<DIV>The document the panel released Tuesday is the latest in a string
of reports to consider whether some changes could occur so suddenly as
to produce profound social or environmental stress, even collapse.
Like previous reports, the new one considers many potential
possibilities and dismisses most of them as unlikely — at least in the
near term.</DIV>
<DIV>But some of the risks are real, the panel found, and in several
cases have happened already.</DIV>
<DIV>It cited the <A
href="http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/01/science/earth/01forest.html?pagewanted=all"
rel=nofollow target=_blank>outbreak of mountain pine beetles</A> in
the American West and in Canada. The disappearance of bitterly cold
winter nights that used to kill off the beetles has allowed them to
ravage tens of millions of acres of forests, damage so severe it can
be seen from space.</DIV>
<DIV>Likewise, a <A
href="http://www.nytimes.com/2012/09/20/science/earth/arctic-sea-ice-stops-melting-but-new-record-low-is-set.html"
rel=nofollow target=_blank>drastic decline of summer sea ice</A> in
the Arctic has occurred much faster than scientists expected. The
panel warned that Arctic sea ice could disappear in the summer within
several decades, with severe impacts on wildlife and human communities
in the region, and unknown effects on the world’s weather
patterns.</DIV>
<DIV>Among the greatest risks in coming years, the panel said, is that
climate change could greatly increase the extinction rate of plants
and animals, essentially provoking the sixth mass extinction in the
earth’s history. The panel said many of the world’s coral reefs, a
vital source of fish that feed millions of people, already seemed
fated to die within decades.</DIV></BLOCKQUOTE>
<DIV align=center>____________________________________________</DIV>
<DIV class=yiv8009808399copyright-info>This work is licensed under a
Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 License.</DIV>
<DIV>Mirrored from <A
href="http://www.commondreams.org/headline/2013/12/04-1" rel=nofollow
target=_blank>Commondreams.org</A></DIV>
<DIV>Related video:</DIV>
<DIV><A href="http://youtu.be/feVlzneZeew" rel=nofollow
target=_blank>NASA explains the impact of climate change on
humans</A>:</DIV></DIV></TD></TR>
<TR>
<TD style="LINE-HEIGHT: 1.4em; MARGIN-BOTTOM: 0px">
<DIV style="MARGIN: 1em 0px 3px"><A
style="FONT-FAMILY: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; FONT-SIZE: 18px"
href="http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/juancole/ymbn/~3/7lrqdeszBtQ/mandela-supported-apartheid.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email"
name=4 rel=nofollow target=_blank>United States, Israel opposed Mandela,
supported Apartheid</A> </DIV>
<DIV
style="LINE-HEIGHT: 140%; MARGIN: 9px 0px 3px; FONT-FAMILY: Georgia, Helvetica, Arial, Sans-Serif; COLOR: #555; FONT-SIZE: 13px"><SPAN>Posted:</SPAN>
05 Dec 2013 09:16 PM PST</DIV>
<DIV
style="LINE-HEIGHT: 140%; MARGIN: 0px; FONT-FAMILY: Georgia, Helvetica, Arial, Sans-Serif; COLOR: #000000; FONT-SIZE: 13px">
<DIV>The attempt to make Nelson Mandela respectable is an ongoing effort
of Western government spokesmen and the Western media.</DIV>
<DIV>He wasn’t respectable in the business circles of twentieth-century
New York or Atlanta, or inside the Beltway of Washington, D.C. He wasn’t
respectable for many of the allies of the United States in the Cold War,
including Britain and Israel.</DIV>
<DIV>I visited Soweto in 2012 and went to Mandela’s old house. It was a
moving experience. I don’t want him to be reduced to a commercialized
icon on this day of all days.</DIV>
<DIV>We should remember that for much of the West in the Cold War, South
Africa’s thriving capitalist economy was what was important. Its
resources were important. Its government, solely staffed by Afrikaners
and solely for Afrikaners, was seen as a counter-weight to Soviet and
Communist influence in Africa. Washington in the 1980s obsessed about
Cuba’s relationship to Angola (yes). </DIV>
<DIV>That the Afrikaners treated black Africans like dirt and
discriminated against them viciously, denying them the franchise or any
hint of equality, was considered in Western capitals at most an
unfortunate idiosyncrasy that could not be allowed to interfere with the
West’s dependence on Pretoria in fighting the international Left.</DIV>
<DIV>The African National Congress had attempted nonviolent protest in
the 1950s, but the white Afrikaaner government outlawed all those
techniques and replied with deadly force. In the early 1960s when Nelson
Mandela turned to sabotage, the United States was a nakedly capitalist
country engaged in an attempt to ensure that peasants and workers did
not come to power. It was a deeply racist society that practiced
Apartheid, a.k.a. Jim Crow in its own South. </DIV>
<DIV>The US considered the African National Congress to be a form of
Communism, and sided with the racist Prime Ministers Hendrik Verwoerd
and P.W. Botha against Mandela.</DIV>
<DIV>Decades later, in the 1980s, the United States was still supporting
the white Apartheid government of South Africa, where a tiny minority of
Afrikaaners dominated the economy and refused to allow black Africans to
shop in their shops or fraternize with them, though they were happy to
employ them in the mines. Ronald Reagan declared Nelson Mandela, then
still in jail, a terrorist, and the US did not get around to removing
him from the list until 2008! Reagan, while delivering pro forma
denunciations of Apartheid or enforced black separation and subjugation,
nevertheless opposed sanctions with teeth on Pretoria. Reagan let the
racist authoritarian P.W. Botha come to Washington and met with
him.</DIV>
<DIV>Likewise <A
href="http://world.time.com/2013/04/08/margaret-thatchers-foreign-policy-was-the-iron-lady-on-the-wrong-side-of-history/"
rel=nofollow target=_blank>British PM Margaret Thatcher befriended Botha
and castigated Mandela’s ANC as terrorists.</A> As if the Afrikaners
weren’t terrorizing the black majority! She may have suggested to Botha
that he release Mandela for PR purposes, but there is not any doubt on
whose side she stood.</DIV>
<DIV>The Israeli government had extremely warm relations with Apartheid
South Africa, to the point where <A
href="http://www.juancole.com/2010/05/israel-offered-nukes-to-racist-south-africa-for-use-on-black-neighbors.html"
rel=nofollow target=_blank>Tel Aviv offered the Afrikaners a nuclear
weapon</A> (presumably for brandishing at the leftist states of black
Africa). That the Israelis accuse <B>Iran</B> of being a nuclear
proliferator is actually hilarious if you know the history. Iran doesn’t
appear ever to have attempted to construct a nuclear weapon, whereas
Israel has hundreds and seems entirely willing to share.</DIV>
<DIV>In the US, the vehemently anti-Palestinian <A
href="http://www.counterpunch.org/2002/02/25/the-adl-spying-case-is-over-but-the-struggle-continues/"
rel=nofollow target=_blank>Anti-Defamation League in San Francisco spied
on American anti-Apartheid activists on behalf of the Apartheid
state</A>. If the ADL ever calls you a racist, you can revel in the
irony.</DIV>
<DIV><A
href="http://www.salon.com/2011/02/05/ronald_reagan_apartheid_south_africa/"
rel=nofollow target=_blank>Ronald Reagan imagined that there were
“moderates” in the Botha government.</A> There weren’t. He wanted
“constructive engagement” with them. It failed. The Afrikaners imposed
martial law. Reagan tried to veto Congressional sanctions on Pretoria in
1986 but Congress over-rode him. </DIV>
<DIV>Nelson Mandela was a socialist who believed in the ideal of
economic equality or at least of a decent life for everyone in society.
He was also a believer in parliamentary government. So, he was a
democratic socialist.</DIV>
<DIV>The current Republican Party is implementing Apartheid policies of
making it difficult for minorities to exercise their right to vote. And
they are changing tax laws to throw ever more of society’s wealth to the
top 1%. And they just threw millions of Americans off food stamps,
including children and Veterans. The US House of Representatives still
stands against everything Mandela stood for.</DIV>
<DIV>President Obama first became interested in politics at Occidental
College in California and attended anti-Apartheid demonstrations. It was
then that fellow activists informed him that Barack would be a better
name for such an activist than “Barry.” In many ways Mandela’s cause
started Obama on his path to the White House. </DIV>
<DIV>In the meantime the UK also has a right wing government that is
punishing students and the poor on behalf of the rich. And the Likud
Foreign Minister in Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, wants to take away the
citizenship of Palestinian-Israelis (20% of the population) just as the
Afrikaners took citizenship away from blacks and pushed them into
Bantustans. <A
href="https://www.goodreads.com/quotes/467838-we-know-too-well-that-our-freedom-is-incomplete-without"
rel=nofollow target=_blank>Mandela said, </A>““We know too well that our
freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.” </DIV>
<DIV>The world will celebrate Nelson Mandela. But for most of those
global leaders, it is only lip service. With the partial exception of
President Obama, they don’t share his actual ideals and wouldn’t approve
of him when he was at his most active, in the early 1960s, trying to
figure out how to sabotage the Afrikaner establishment. (I say partial
in Obama’s case because obviously he admires the struggle against
Apartheid, but on economic issues he is an Eisenhower Republican and
Mandela wouldn’t approve). In the 1990s on his release from prison
Mandela did stand out for his belief in peace and reconciliation. But
that was only because the Afrikaners had lost and he could afford to be
magnanimous in victory. He was not a pacifist. He did not believe in
taking lives as part of his struggle, but he was willing to resort to
violence. He was not a capitalist. He wanted uplift for the workers. He
could not overlook racism the way Reagan, Thatcher and Shamir did.</DIV>
<DIV>South Africa itself, for all its economic and social dynamism, has
also not fully attained Mandela’s ideals. Its poor are becoming worse
off. Labor relations are roiled. And the ANC leadership is in
disarray.</DIV>
<DIV>Mandela is not a birthday cake to be celebrated. The funeral with
its hypocritical heads of state won’t honor him. He is a pioneer to be
emulated. We honor him by standing up for justice even in the face of
enormous opposition from the rich and powerful, by taking risks for high
ideals. We won’t meet his standards. But if all of us tried, we’d make
the world better. As he did.</DIV>
<DIV>—–</DIV>
<DIV>Related video</DIV>
<DIV><A href="http://youtu.be/yjYm78K6aNI" rel=nofollow
target=_blank>The BBC “Story of Nelson Mandela” </A></DIV></DIV></TD></TR>
<TR>
<TD style="LINE-HEIGHT: 1.4em; MARGIN-BOTTOM: 0px">
<DIV style="MARGIN: 1em 0px 3px"><A
style="FONT-FAMILY: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; FONT-SIZE: 18px"
href="http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/juancole/ymbn/~3/f-Y7xiKl2zI/tunisian-months-insulting.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email"
name=5 rel=nofollow target=_blank>Tunisian Rapper Jailed for 4 Months
for Insulting the Police</A> </DIV>
<DIV
style="LINE-HEIGHT: 140%; MARGIN: 9px 0px 3px; FONT-FAMILY: Georgia, Helvetica, Arial, Sans-Serif; COLOR: #555; FONT-SIZE: 13px"><SPAN>Posted:</SPAN>
05 Dec 2013 09:10 PM PST</DIV>
<DIV
style="LINE-HEIGHT: 140%; MARGIN: 0px; FONT-FAMILY: Georgia, Helvetica, Arial, Sans-Serif; COLOR: #000000; FONT-SIZE: 13px">
<DIV><A
href="http://www.tunisia-live.net/2013/12/05/cops-are-dogs-rapper-sentenced-to-four-months/"
rel=nofollow target=_blank>Tunisia Live reports that: </A></DIV>
<BLOCKQUOTE>
<DIV>“Rapper Ala Yaacoubi, known by his stage name Weld el 15, turned
himself in to a court in Hammamet today, where his 21-month prison
sentence was reduced to four months.” </DIV></BLOCKQUOTE>
<DIV>He was sentenced for public indecency (because of his rap lyrics)
and for insulting officers of the state (his most famous rap song is
“The Police are Dogs.”) </DIV>
<DIV>Police in Tunisia felt unfairly blamed for the excesses of former
dictator Zine El Abdin Ben Ali in the aftermath of the 2011 revolution,
and elements in the bureaucracy originally appointed by the Ben Ali
government, who are still in office, have pushed back against
revolutionary youth culture. Some of the officials have been replaced by
or now have as their superiors supporters of the Muslim religious party,
al-Nahda or Renaissance. Many secularists suspect al-Nahda of
influencing the tone of such prosecutions, and of trying to make Tunisia
a conservative Muslim state.</DIV>
<DIV><A
href="http://www.naharnet.com/stories/en/108644-tunisia-rapper-jailed-for-four-months-at-retrial"
rel=nofollow target=_blank>AFP reports the rapper as saying</A>, </DIV>
<BLOCKQUOTE>“The revolution took place in the name of freedom of
expression… “I handed myself in because I can’t spend my life on the
run, but I’m not ready to go back to prison.” </BLOCKQUOTE>
<DIV><A href="http://youtu.be/nSw6_Th0AFw" rel=nofollow
target=_blank>AFP reports </A></DIV>
<DIV><A
href="http://nawaat.org/portail/2013/06/15/weld-el-15-two-years-for-rapped-retaliation/"
rel=nofollow target=_blank>Nawaat.org argues that Weld el 15 </A>should
not be politicized because his song, “The Police are Dogs,” is about
their harassment of drug users, not about human rights.</DIV>
<DIV>That Tunisia is stepping back from the new freedom of expression
gained in 2011, however, is certainly clear. Weld el 15 is not the only
rapper to be charged and is the second to be jailed on similar
charges.</DIV></DIV></TD></TR></TBODY></TABLE>
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