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</v:shapetype><![endif]-->From Phyllis Bennis, "Talking Points",
      Institute for Policy Studies -
      via the United for Peace and Justice mailing list.    I think
      it's a good article, wide-ranging and timely (though it is many
      times too
      long to make a flyer...)<big><big><span
            style="font-size:10.0pt;font-family:Times;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times
            New Roman";
            mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman"">.<br>
            <br>
            ================================== <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Dear friends,<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">President Obama’s
            West Point graduation speech
            outlining his foreign policy had some pretty good stuff in
            it. Leadership
            doesn’t mean only military force. Just because you have a
            big hammer doesn’t
            mean everything is a nail. “A world of greater freedom and
            tolerance is not
            only a moral imperative; it also helps keep us safe.” It all
            sounded great.
            Just an hour or so later <a
              href="http://act.ips-dc.org/site/R?i=PMrChdMdXb7Q9t20HA4wOg"><b><span
style="color:#044270;text-decoration:none;text-underline:none">I
                  discussed the
                  speech on Al-Jazeera.</span></b></a><br>
             <br>
            It was a pretty great speech that challenged much of the
            militarization of
            post-9/11 U.S. foreign policy—the problem is, like too many
            great speeches
            before, it has far too little to do with what the Obama
            administration actually
            does.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">No question Ben
            Rhodes is a terrific
            speechwriter (though don’t get me started on what he doesn’t
            know as deputy
            national security adviser,) and Obama knows how to talk the
            talk.  The
            problem isn’t the speech. The problem is the policy. <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Obama was right
            to criticize the isolationism
            of “self-described realists” whose interest in the world
            starts and ends with
            what is useful for traditionally-defined U.S. interests —
            that is, mainly
            military and corporate ones. And he was right to criticize
            and address the
            “interventionists from the left and right” who believe that
            “America’s
            willingness to apply force around the world is the ultimate
            safeguard against
            chaos” — essentially, those who want to use force even more
            than he does.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">But once again
            Obama didn’t answer his critics
            — also from the right and left, though most especially from
            the left — who are
            outraged at how much he and his administration <i>are</i>
            using military force,
            in far too many places, against far too many people, far too
            often, and far out
            of public sight. <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">The mainstream
            media was full of post-speech
            carping about Obama setting up a straw man when he accused
            others of wanting to
            send ground troops to Syria (or Ukraine, or Nigeria, or
            Thailand.) The real
            problem is not that he’s refusing to send ground troops —
            it's that he <i>is</i>
            escalating the military conflicts by involving the U.S.
            military: providing
            weapons, supplies, planes and pilots, training, CIA
            counter-terrorism troops
            (the CIA now has its own fleet of armed planes, special
            forces in all but name,)
            and looking for military solutions all over the world. <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Obama was right
            to push back against critics
            who complain that the U.S. has lost its global leadership
            role because it
            hasn’t sent troops everywhere the warmongers wanted. He was
            right when he said
            that leadership doesn’t only mean military force. The
            problem is, though, U.S.
            leadership and credibility have been dramatically weakened
            because of too <i>much</i>,
            not too little military force. The direct U.S. military
            interventions that
            failed (Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya,) the U.S. search for
            military solutions even
            when they claim there are none (Syria,) the continuing U.S.
            reliance on
            might-makes-right arguments (Guantanamo, the drone war,) the
            U.S. refusal to
            get out of the way to let other, more legitimate global
            institutions lead
            (Israel-Palestine) have all weakened U.S. global leadership.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Obama’s repeated
            statement that “there is no
            military solution” in Syria is belied by the CIA training
            rebel forces in
            Jordan, by U.S. allies being allowed to provide
            U.S.-produced weapons to the
            rebels, by apparently imminent efforts to send U.S.
            shoulder-fired
            anti-aircraft missiles. If the president believed there is
            no military solution
            in Syria, then he should stop supporting one side of this
            brutal civil war; call
            for an immediate ceasefire and immediate international arms
            embargo on all
            sides; and re-engage with Russia to figure out a diplomatic
            solution. The
            current progress in negotiations with Iran should lead to
            new engagement with
            Iran on the Syria crisis as well.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">When Obama extols
            American exceptionalism and
            says, “What makes us exceptional is not our ability to flout
            international
            norms and the rule of law; it is our willingness to affirm
            them through our
            actions,” he is wrong. It is precisely Washington’s ability
            — and willingness —
            “to flout international norms and the rule of law” that
            shows its exceptional
            military and economic power. <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:10.0pt;font-family:Times;mso-fareast-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:"Times
            New Roman""><o:p> </o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">What other
            country could get away with
            violating sovereignty by using drone missiles to kill
            citizens of other
            countries — within those countries’ borders — because it
            claims the target of
            those drone strikes were "bad guys?" What if some <i>other</i>
            government decided that certain Americans in the U.S. were
            the bad guys and
            sent missiles to kill them? Affirming international norms
            and the rule of law
            means ending drone strikes and illegal invasions and bombing
            campaigns, not
            simply claiming they’re legal because it’s Washington that
            does it instead of
            Moscow or Beijing.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">The president
            said he would “continue to push
            to close Gitmo” because U.S. values and legal traditions “do
            not permit the
            indefinite detention of people beyond our borders.” The
            problem is, that
            “indefinite detention” is now precisely what defines the
            values and legal
            traditions of our country. Like his predecessor, Obama has
            relied on memos
            drafted by his own lawyers, without oversight by any court,
            to reinterpret U.S.
            law by simply declaring things like assassination of
            American citizens
            “legal.”  That’s the <i>new</i> American legal tradition.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">It’s great to
            hear that the president
            describes his most important lesson in foreign affairs being
            “don’t do stupid
            shit,” meaning, don’t go to war like we did in Iraq. (<i>The
              New York Times </i>primly
            described President Obama’s language as a “saltier variation
            of the phrase
            ‘don’t do stupid stuff. ’”) How does he not recognize, even
            ignoring the
            morality of the issue, that killing over 3,000 people by
            drone strikes in
            Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia — and antagonizing whole
            populations of restive
            countries by doing so — qualifies as “stupid shit?” If
            Congress balks at
            closing down Guantanamo, it sure sounds pretty stupid not to
            at least begin to
            show some leadership by freeing those long-term prisoners
            already cleared for
            release. <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">It’s not
            completely off-base to say that with
            Al-Qaeda’s leadership largely decimated, the U.S. (and many
            other countries)
            face danger from scattered bands of terrorists across the
            Middle East, South
            Asia, and parts of Africa. But what is completely wrong is
            the notion that
            somehow going to war can stop terrorism. For any who doubt
            it, 13 years of
            responding to the crime of September 11 with a limitless
            global war has
            unequivocally proved the point: Terrorism is a tactic, not
            an enemy, and it’s
            not possible to conquer terrorism with war. It doesn’t work
            — it hasn’t worked
            in Afghanistan (and won’t, with two and a half more years of
            U.S. war) or in
            Iraq, and it isn’t working in Yemen, Pakistan, or Somalia
            either. The U.S.
            never went to war against “terrorism” — it went to war
            against the land,
            people, economy, and environment of the countries it
            invaded. And still,
            terrorism has thrived.  <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">President Obama
            reminded the world that, “As
            the Syrian civil war spills across borders, the capacity of
            battle-hardened
            extremist groups to come after us only increases.” It might
            have been more
            powerful if he acknowledged that many of those extremists
            first gained their
            battle-hardening experience in Iraq — fighting against the
            U.S. occupation and
            its Iraqi partners.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">If Obama really
            believed that “respect for
            human rights is an antidote to instability and the
            grievances that fuel
            violence and terror,” wouldn’t he move to do something
            differently, something
            like renouncing — without waiting for Congress — the
            Authorization for the Use
            of Military Force that followed September 11? Wouldn’t he
            move to do something
            to show respect for human rights and international law, like
            joining the
            International Criminal Court or working to strengthen,
            instead of undermine,
            the United Nations? <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><b><span
              style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
              mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New
              Roman";color:#333333">The Afghanistan war
              continues</span></b><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333"><o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:10.0pt;font-family:Times;mso-fareast-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:"Times
            New Roman""><o:p> </o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Instead we now
            hear that the U.S. war in
            Afghanistan will go on for another two and a half years. How
            many more Afghans
            will die, be grievously wounded, be made refugees, by this
            occupation? How many
            more U.S. troops will come home with grave physical and
            psychological wounds?
            On the Real News I discussed why keeping <a
              href="http://act.ips-dc.org/site/R?i=zdiMFqUQrCCL2o4JHa_MfQ"><b><span
style="color:#044270;text-decoration:none;text-underline:none">U.S.
                  troops in
                  Afghanistan won’t solve the problems</span></b></a>
            that country faces after
            almost three decades of war and occupation: If 100,000 U.S.
            troops and 30,000
            NATO troops didn’t bring peace, stability, democracy,
            development, or any of
            the other things we promised, keeping 10,000 troops there
            won’t do it either. <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">And we should not
            forget that the special
            forces troops who remain will have only one military job: to
            kill those the
            U.S. (based on who-knows-what intelligence) identifies as
            bad guys. That’s why
            we’re almost certainly going to see access to military bases
            as part of the
            agreement with Afghanistan — to keep the drone war going, to
            kill more bad
            guys. No pretense that “protecting Afghans” is somehow on
            the U.S. agenda, just
            straight-up counter-terrorism, plus training the Afghan
            military to do the same
            thing. Not such a great prospect for Afghan civilians.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">The Afghan
            elections — the final round of
            voting is scheduled very soon — are not likely to have much
            impact on the war,
            except that both of the leading candidates have indicated
            their willingness to
            sign off on a Bilateral Security Agreement allowing U.S.
            troops to remain.
            We’ll see whether they can convince their parliament to
            guarantee full immunity
            for U.S. troops for any war crimes they might commit — the
            refusal of which was
            what led to the full troop withdrawal from Iraq. Both
            candidates have also
            recruited notorious warlords as running mates in the
            interest of winning
            various ethnic votes. I’ve been talking about that, and what
            has and hasn’t
            changed in Afghanistan — you can watch <a
              href="http://act.ips-dc.org/site/R?i=5ruPNpFqzOl7J0LQZWJUiw"><b><span
style="color:#044270;text-decoration:none;text-underline:none">The Real
                  News
                  interview</span></b></a> or listen to my discussion on
            <a
              href="http://act.ips-dc.org/site/R?i=FkyOYIUtD4JiswWGZAb7SQ"><b><span
style="color:#044270;text-decoration:none;text-underline:none">FAIR’s
                  Counterspin show</span></b></a>. <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">A few weeks ago I
            wrote about a <a
              href="http://act.ips-dc.org/site/R?i=W4riyO2LyVg1WxurllxyuQ"><b><span
style="color:#044270;text-decoration:none;text-underline:none">Washington
                  event
                  where I joined Iraq Veterans Against the War</span></b></a>
            and veterans'
            families to call for “the right to heal” — challenging the
            Pentagon’s
            longstanding habit of sending back to active duty soldiers
            diagnosed with PTSD
            or other traumatic brain injuries. But they went beyond the
            demand for better
            health care for veterans — an issue that remains at the top
            of the political
            agenda despite the dismissal of Eric Shinseki as head of
            Veteran's Affairs — to
            include the call for real accountability and support for
            health care as well as
            more for the victims of the war in Iraq and Afghanistan.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">As our great
            congressional heroine Barbara Lee
            said last week, in response to President Obama’s
            announcement about keeping
            troops in Afghanistan through the end of 2016, “There is no
            military solution
            in Afghanistan.” That’s true now, and it will still be true
            in 2016. This just
            means 30 more months of U.S. war.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><b><span
              style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
              mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New
              Roman";color:#333333">Syria: The war still
              expands</span></b><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333"><o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Syria’s
            multi-faceted civil war continues to
            expand, and conditions for Syrian civilians continue to
            deteriorate. In early
            May, the UN opened a new refugee camp for Syrians in Jordan
            with space for
            130,000 people — 6,500 arrived just in the first month. When
            it reaches
            capacity — and unfortunately, it seems certain that it will
            — it will surpass
            the Zaatari camp in Jordan, already the second largest
            refugee camp in the
            world.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:10.0pt;font-family:Times;mso-fareast-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:"Times
            New Roman""><o:p> </o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Reports of
            bombings, sieges, and killings
            continue. By May 29, the <i>BBC</i> reports that almost 3
            million people have
            fled across Syria’s borders, one of the largest forced
            migrations since World
            War II. I talked about this humanitarian crisis and Syria’s
            six wars <a
              href="http://act.ips-dc.org/site/R?i=QdDVS7HlkaAAGGhaMZR07g"><b><span
style="color:#044270;text-decoration:none;text-underline:none">in the
                  Real News</span></b></a>.
            And after UN and Arab League special envoy Lakhdar Brahimi
            resigned in mid-May
            — in frustration with the world’s failure to do enough to
            stop the killing — I
            discussed <a
              href="http://act.ips-dc.org/site/R?i=FwIcrHMyq937pO8GqvcCtg"><b><span
style="color:#044270;text-decoration:none;text-underline:none">the
                  consequences
                  of this decision for Syria on Al Jazeera</span></b></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><b><span
              style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
              mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New
              Roman";color:#333333">So what do we do about
              Syria?</span></b><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333"><o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Of course it’s
            not enough to say the U.S.
            shouldn’t send missile strikes or arm one side of the civil
            war: We need a
            serious campaign to change U.S. policy towards Syria. Over
            the last several
            weeks, many of the leaders of national anti-war and peace
            and justice
            organizations have been meeting to figure out what our “ask”
            should be — what
            should we be demanding of our government? Out of these
            discussions, I wrote <a
              href="http://act.ips-dc.org/site/R?i=EIstdIMb9sl6hYOPu0fMaw"><b><span
style="color:#044270;text-decoration:none;text-underline:none">“5
                  Concrete
                  Steps the US Can Take to End the Syria Crisis”</span></b></a>
            for last week’s
            issue of <i>The Nation</i>. <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Read it, add to
            it, use it as talking points
            for meeting with members of Congress, as the basis for
            letters to the editor,
            or as the beginning of new campaigns. We can’t allow Syria
            to slip away from
            our attention.  <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><b><span
              style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
              mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New
              Roman";color:#333333">Good news with the bad:
              Iran and Palestine</span></b><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
            mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New
            Roman";color:#333333"><o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">There is some
            good news, weirdly enough, on a
            couple of fronts not known for good tidings. On Iran, there
            are serious
            indications that the talks underway between Iran and the
            U.S. with its allies
            (known as the P-5 + 1, for the five permanent members of the
            UN Security
            Council plus Germany) are going reasonably well. The fact
            that we’re not
            hearing a lot of debate and opposition in the Congress is
            actually a good
            sign.  <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Following last
            February’s interim agreement,
            the talks are shaped around Iran’s nuclear power program on
            one side and ending
            sanctions and Iran being taken seriously as a regional power
            on the other. The
            current deadline is July 20, but the interim agreement
            allows for a six-month
            extension — and both sides have an interest in making an
            effort. President
            Obama is desperate for some kind of foreign policy success,
            and a bargain with
            Iran — grand or not — would give a huge boost to his claimed
            commitment to
            diplomacy over force (even if he still falsely claims that
            only sanctions
            brought Iran to the table.) President Rouhani is under
            significant public
            pressure to get U.S. and United Nations sanctions lifted,
            and he still faces
            political challenges from other factions of Iran’s powerful
            ruling circles.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">(It must be
            mentioned, but it’s not all good
            news: the <i>Washington Post</i>, rarely supportive of
            diplomacy with Iran,
            took their usual editorial position warning that a deal was
            unlikely — but then
            went further, reassuring readers that if a deal were somehow
            reached there
            would be “a strong check on any concessions made by the
            Obama administration.
            If Congress or Israel are dissatisfied, they may be able to
            scuttle the
            deal.”  Really? If another country — Israel is not part of
            the P-5 + 1 —
            is “dissatisfied,” it might have equal status with the U.S.
            Congress to
            “scuttle the deal?”  I’m torn between being pleased that the
            <i>Post</i>
            felt compelled finally to admit that possibility, or
            outraged that as usual
            they appear to think it’s a good thing.)<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><b><span
              style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
              mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New
              Roman";color:#333333">In Palestine, the Pope
              replaces the peace process</span></b><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
            Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New
            Roman";color:#333333"><o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">The other good
            news has to do, first, with the
            collapse of the U.S.-orchestrated “peace process” between
            Israel and Palestine.
            After 23 years of failed diplomacy and nine months of
            intensive John Kerry-led
            talks with and between Palestinians and Israelis, <a
              href="http://act.ips-dc.org/site/R?i=ra0ejuPlB0Ss44bxIqnUtw"><b><span
style="color:#044270;text-decoration:none;text-underline:none">the
                  latest
                  “Einstein Round”</span></b></a> ended unceremoniously.
            (I’ve been calling this
            the “Einstein Round” based on the great scientist’s
            definition of crazy: Doing
            the same thing over and over again and expecting a different
            result.)<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">The talks ended
            after Israel reneged on its
            earlier promise to release the last 29 of 104 prisoners,
            following that up with
            announcing its plans to build hundreds of new illegal
            settlement apartments.
            That’s all business-as-usual for Israeli occupation. The
            good news included the
            Palestinian response, which was to sign on to 15 human
            rights and other
            treaties and covenants, bringing Palestine into compliance
            with a wide range of
            international norms. What a contrast: Israel violates more
            agreements and more
            international laws, Palestinians respond with claiming
            international law as
            their own. And the U.S. responds that both sides have done
            unhelpful things.
            Great.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333"> But, for a
            change, there was some good
            news when the White House and State Department made clear
            their view that, in
            fact, Israel was responsible for the talks’ collapse. <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Kerry even used
            the term “apartheid” — and
            while he used it only in the sense of warning Israel that it
            could face a
            future as an apartheid state if it didn’t manage a two-state
            solution, rather
            than recognizing Israel today as an apartheid state — his
            very mention of the
            word reflected the change in U.S. discourse on the issue. <a
href="http://act.ips-dc.org/site/R?i=2e6lC1RDZbzvhPCtTn18hw"><b><span
                  style="color:#044270;text-decoration:none;text-underline:none">As
                  CNN reported
                  it</span></b></a>, “John Kerry wasn't the first to use
            the A-word — apartheid —
            when talking about Israel, and he likely won't be the last.”
            Of course his
            statement led to attacks and calls for Kerry’s resignation
            from Israel
            supporters in the U.S. and beyond, but there were no serious
            political
            consequences.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Discourse shifts
            are never enough, though. On
            the ground things have not changed for most Palestinians.
            Two young boys,
            15-year-old Muhammad Abu Thahr and 17-year-old Nadim Nuwara,
            were killed by
            Israeli soldiers firing live ammunition at a protest outside
            Israel’s Ofer
            Prison in the occupied West Bank on May 15, Nakba Day, the
            day Palestinians
            commemorate their massive dispossession that accompanied the
            creation of the
            state of Israel in 1948. They were only the latest
            casualties of the
            occupation. <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">There is some
            cause for optimism regarding the
            Palestinian unity process that may result in a new
            technocratic government of
            national unity for the Palestinian Authority supported by
            both main factions,
            Fatah (that controls the PA in the West Bank) and Hamas
            (running the authority
            in Gaza.) It isn’t yet a full unity process — it remains
            unclear how
            Palestinians living inside Israel and the millions of
            Palestinian refugees
            scattered in far-flung exile will be included — but if it
            succeeds it
            represents a major step forward.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:10.0pt;font-family:Times;mso-fareast-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:"Times
            New Roman""><o:p> </o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">And then,
            finally, we had the Pope. Pope
            Francis went to Palestine and Israel, and — as we’ve seen so
            many times already
            in his shifting the church’s focus to the poor and
            dispossessed — here he made
            clear that he was not, as his predecessors have been,
            interested only in
            strengthening the Vatican’s ties to Israel. This time, it
            was all about the
            visuals — and that meant the extraordinary photograph of the
            Pope praying and
            leaning his head against the Apartheid Wall in Bethlehem
            splashed across the
            front pages of newspapers around the world.  <o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">I talked about it
            <a
              href="http://act.ips-dc.org/site/R?i=4dKuT4o3UYT8EbgA7XuyEw"><b><span
style="color:#044270;text-decoration:none;text-underline:none">on The
                  Real News</span></b></a>
            and <a
              href="http://act.ips-dc.org/site/R?i=-SumG-hTNc2PImgGLKfbWw"><b><span
style="color:#044270;text-decoration:none;text-underline:none">wrote
                  about it
                  for FPIF and <i>The Nation</i></span></b></a> last
            week — and since the Pope
            went to lay a wreath at his tomb, I got to include my
            favorite quote from
            Theodor Herzl, the founder of modern Zionism. It’s the one
            from his letter to
            the infamous Cecil Rhodes (who conquered much of Africa for
            the British Crown)
            in which Herzl begs Rhodes to join his project for a
            European Jewish state in
            Palestine because it is “something colonial.”  <br>
            He should know.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><b><span
              style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
              mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New
              Roman";color:#333333">On the road</span></b><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:"Times
            New Roman";
            color:#333333"><o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Welcome to all my
            new
            subscribers/supporters/comrades/friends I met at the Sabeel
            conference in
            Portland and in Louisville at the 6,000-strong Methodist
            Women’s Assembly. I’m
            heading to Japan this week, to speak at a UN conference on
            Palestine and then
            to meet with anti-war, anti-militarism, and anti-nuclear
            activists in Tokyo and
            Hiroshima.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Thanks for all
            you do, all your commitment,
            all your passion.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">We all have a lot
            of work to do.<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">Phyllis<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
      </big></big>
    <p class="MsoNormal"
      style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt;
      line-height:12.0pt"><big><big><span
            style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;mso-bidi-font-family:
            "Times New Roman";color:#333333">NB – If you can,
            please <a
              href="http://act.ips-dc.org/site/R?i=wNopZMzl66c_cUgMkQlupA"><b><span
style="color:#044270;text-decoration:none;text-underline:none">help
                  support my
                  New Internationalism Project here at IPS</span></b></a> —
            every one-time
            donation or monthly sustainer pledge is crucial to helping
            my work
            survive. Thanks!<o:p></o:p></span></big></big></p>
    <big><big>
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