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        <h1 itemprop="name headline">No Apologies: U.S. Aggression
          Against Vietnam</h1>
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                    alt="Nearly 60,000 US soldiers died in the Vietnam
                    War" title="Nearly 60,000 US soldiers died in the
                    Vietnam War">
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                    soldiers died in the Vietnam War">
                    <h2>Nearly 60,000 US soldiers died in the Vietnam
                      War</h2>
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          <div class="capdate" itemprop="datePublished"><big><big>Published
                10 November 2014</big></big></div>
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            Aggression Against Vietnam"
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          <big><big> </big></big></div>
        <big><big> </big></big></div>
      <big><big> </big></big></div>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <div class="subtitle" itemprop="description alternativeHeadline"><big><big>In

          the post-WWII era, the conventional narrative in the U.S. on
          the Vietnam war has emerged as arguably the most disturbing
          case of the perpetrator’s nationalistic indifference towards,
          and often approval of, an apocalyptic destruction of the
          target of its attack.</big></big></div>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <p><big><big>Out of all the peculiarities of the political milieu in
          the U.S., what probably stands out the most is the discourse
          on the U.S. obliteration policies against Vietnam. If in any
          other country there exists a wider gap between the
          conventional portrayals and narrative on a war of aggression
          carried out by that country, on one hand, and the documentary
          record, on the other, then I have yet to come across it.</big></big></p>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <p><big><big>What does the general picture on U.S. aggression look
          like? The U.S. air force dropped <a
href="http://books.google.fi/books?id=18aEuSp9fj0C&pg=PA92&lpg=PA92&dq=%23v=onepage&q=">more
            bombing tonnage</a> solely in South Vietnam than the total
          bombing tonnage of every single aerial bombing campaign by all
          sides in WWII put together. The total amount of U.S. bombings
          during the Vietnam War was <a
href="http://books.google.fi/books?id=18aEuSp9fj0C&pg=PA92&lpg=PA92&dq=%23v=onepage&q=">more
            than twice</a> the size of all the bombings in WWII.</big></big></p>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <p><big><big>12 million acres of forest and <a
href="http://books.google.fi/books?id=VrqK5VdO2i0C&pg=PA84&lpg=PA84&dq=vietnam+%23v=onepage&q=">25
            million acres</a> of farmland, at the bare minimum, were
          destroyed by U.S. saturation bombing. The U.S. sprayed over <a
href="http://www.reuters.com/article/2007/06/17/us-vietnam-dioxin-idUSHAN11143520070617">70
            million liters</a> of herbicidal agents to Vietnam.</big></big></p>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <p><big><big>Reflecting the fundamental defects of the conventional
          narrative on the matter, the death toll of the Vietnamese
          caused by the U.S. military onslaught is routinely debated in
          hundreds of thousands, sometimes in millions. <a
href="http://partners.nytimes.com/library/world/asia/081097vietnam-mcnamara.html">According
            to</a> Robert McNamara, for example, 3,6 million Vietnamese
          were killed in the war.</big></big></p>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <p><big><big>Among the <a
            href="http://www.bmj.com/content/336/7659/1482">most
            comprehensive studies</a> on the matter was published in
          2008 by Harvard Medical School and the Institute for Health
          Metrics and Evaluation at the University of Washington. They
          put the Vietnamese death toll at 3.8 million. <a
href="http://books.google.fi/books/about/Kill_Anything_That_Moves.html?id=q3LWGAAACAAJ&redir_esc=y">According</a> to

          Dr. Nick Turse, an American historian and investigative
          journalist who has conducted pioneering research on the
          Vietnam War, even the “staggering figure” of 3.8 million “may
          be an underestimate”. Furthermore, the U.S. attack wounded <a
href="http://us.macmillan.com/killanythingthatmoves/NickTurse">5,3
            million</a> Vietnamese <em>civilians</em> and up to <a
href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/11/12/AR2006111201065.html">4
            million</a> Vietnamese fell victim to toxic defoliants used
          by the U.S. against large parts of the country. The U.S.
          assault created <a
href="http://books.google.fi/books?id=VrqK5VdO2i0C&pg=PA84&lpg=PA84&dq=vietnam+%23v=onepage&q=">200,000
            prostitutes</a>, 879,000 orphans, 1 million widows and <a
            href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-23427726">11
            million refugees</a>.</big></big></p>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <p><big><big>To enter from the realm of international law, facts and
          figures to what at times goes by the name of ‘internal U.S.
          debate’ on the matter of U.S. attack on Vietnam is tantamount
          to an abrupt teleportation into an unsavory twilight zone.
          Consider the following results of a <a
href="http://www.gallup.com/poll/2299/americans-look-back-vietnam-war.aspx">Gallup
            poll</a> conducted in November, 2000. Of respondents aged
          between 18 and 29, 27% said that the U.S. was backing North
          Vietnam, 45% said South Vietnam and 28% expressed no opinion
          at all.</big></big></p>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <p><big><big>What about support for the war among the U.S. public,
          say, at the end of the 1960’s? According to a <a
            href="http://www.lib.berkeley.edu/MRC/pacificaviet.html">Gallup
            poll</a> conducted in July, 1969, more than a year after the
          My Lai massacre, 53% of the respondents approved of Nixon’s
          handling of the war.</big></big></p>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <p><big><big>Arguably the main trend after the termination of U.S.
          aggression against Indochina has been a systematic
          glorification of U.S. actions. During a conference in 2006
          titled <em>Vietnam and the Presidency</em>, former U.S. head
          of state Jimmy Carter gave his well-known <a
href="http://www.lbjlib.utexas.edu/johnson/press.hom/Vietnam_Presidency/Transcripts/IntroductionbyCarolineKennedyandVietnamInterviewwi.pdf">account</a> on

          the war and its effects to his presidency. Carter, not
          regarded as an ardent advocate of aggressive U.S. foreign
          policy among post-WWII U.S. presidents, perhaps quite the
          contrary, stressed the importance of moving “beyond the
          Vietnam War to better things”.</big></big></p>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <p><big><big>Carter gave special emphasis on what he called a
          “healing process” - a healing process for American society,
          needless to say - and proclaimed that, under his
          administration, “that healing process made major strides
          forward”. Not only that, the “healing process” was no less
          than “complete” when “the Vietnam heroic monument, one of the
          most popular places in Washington” was set up, soon after the
          Carter presidency.</big></big></p>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <p><big><big>The inscription on the world-renowned Vietnam Veterans
          Memorial states that “[o]ur nation honors the courage,
          sacrifice, and devotion to duty and country of its Vietnam
          veterans.” Instead of having prosecuted war criminals and paid
          enormous compensation to Vietnam, for starters, the U.S. gave
          Vietnam the above sentence.</big></big></p>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <p><big><big>Carter’s commentary serves as an odious, yet
          illustrative, reminder of the standard line of thinking in the
          U.S. political culture. In short, when the U.S. attack on
          Vietnam had finally come to its end, what was of uttermost
          importance was a “healing process” for the United States, and
          reflecting the progress, if not completion, of that healing
          process was the erection of a monument singing the praises of
          the “courage” and “sacrifice” of the U.S. veterans. Now, let
          us move “beyond the Vietnam War to better things”.</big></big></p>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <p><big><big>Perhaps even more revealingly, Carter has asserted on
          the Vietnam War that “I don't feel that we ought to apologize
          or to castigate ourselves or to assume the status of
          culpability”, stressing that “the destruction was mutual”.</big></big></p>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <p><big><big>In 2000, the then Secretary of Defence William Cohen
          expressed similar approach towards the U.S. actions in the
          Vietnam war. “I don't intend to go into any apologies,
          certainly, for the war itself” Cohen declared upon his visit
          to Vietnam. “Both nations were scarred by this. They have
          their own scars from the war. We certainly have ours.”</big></big></p>
    <big><big> </big></big>
    <p><big><big>The tenets of the official U.S. position towards the
          unparalleled crimes the U.S. military committed in Vietnam
          remain as disturbing as ever: no apologies for U.S. conduct
          during the war, certainly no reparations; no intentions to
          prosecute U.S. government officials and military personnel for
          any of the countless war crimes the U.S. committed in Vietnam;
          romanticizing and glorifying the overall performance of the
          U.S. military in the war.</big></big></p>
    <big><big> Indeed, in the post-WWII era, the conventional narrative
        in the U.S. on the Vietnam war has emerged as arguably the most
        disturbing case of the perpetrator’s nationalistic indifference
        towards, and often approval of, an apocalyptic destruction of
        the target of its attack.</big></big>
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