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<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size:18.0pt;font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">Sorry, Correction that is  2016 on Urbana reaffirming itself as a Sanctuary City having been one since 1986. According to his biography ICEman UI Yale Law
 Mafia Dean Amar had just graduated from college in 1985 around  when I originally  argued the case for Urbana to become a Sanctuary City under a public death threat from the American Nazi Party if I did so. Back then going door to door against us in Urbana
 were the American Nazi Party, the Ku Klux Klan, Phyllis Schaffly’s Eagle Forum and the Republican Party of Champaign County. Birds of a Feather Flock Together. I don’t like Nazis and Klanners. Fab.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size:18.0pt;font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">Francis A. Boyle<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">Law Building<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">504 E. Pennsylvania Ave.<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">Champaign, IL 61820 USA<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">217-333-7954 (phone)<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">217-244-1478 (fax)<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><u><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">(personal comments only)<o:p></o:p></span></u></i></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size:18.0pt;font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><b><span style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif">From:</span></b><span style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"> Boyle, Francis A
<br>
<b>Sent:</b> Thursday, November 2, 2017 10:58 AM<br>
<b>To:</b> David Green <davegreen84@yahoo.com>; C. G. ESTABROOK <carl@newsfromneptune.com>; Miller, Joseph Thomas <jtmiller@illinois.edu>; sherwoodross10@gmail.com; peace-discuss@anti-war.net; a-fields@uiuc.edu; Hoffman, Valerie J <vhoffman@illinois.edu>; Joe
 Lauria <joelauria@gmail.com>; Peace-discuss@lists.chambana.net; peace-discuss-request@lists.chambana.net; Szoke, Ron <r-szoke@illinois.edu>; Arlene Hickory <a23h23@yahoo.com>; Karen Aram <karenaram@hotmail.com>; abass10@gmail.com; mickalideh@gmail.com; Lina
 Thorne <lina@worldcantwait.net>; chicago@worldcantwait.net; Jay <futureup2us@gmail.com>; David Johnson <davidjohnson1451@comcast.net>; Mildred O'brien <moboct1@aim.com>; Estabrook, Carl G <galliher@illinois.edu>; David Swanson <davidcnswanson@gmail.com><br>
<b>Subject:</b> RE: ICEman UI Yale Law Mafia Dean Amar Aligns with Trump/Sessions against Sanctuary Cities & 11 Million Undocumented Migrants<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><b><span style="font-size:18.0pt;font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">And for the record, back in the mid-1980s, I was also personally involved in turning San Francisco into a Sanctuary City and Evanston
 into a Sanctuary City—which they both still are three decades later.  Amar can stick all that where the sun don’t shine! Fab.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">Francis A. Boyle<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">Law Building<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">504 E. Pennsylvania Ave.<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">Champaign, IL 61820 USA<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">217-333-7954 (phone)<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">217-244-1478 (fax)<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><b><i><u><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">(personal comments only)<o:p></o:p></span></u></i></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.0in"><b><span style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif">From:</span></b><span style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"> Boyle, Francis A
<br>
<b>Sent:</b> Thursday, November 2, 2017 10:49 AM<br>
<b>To:</b> David Green <<a href="mailto:davegreen84@yahoo.com">davegreen84@yahoo.com</a>>; C. G. ESTABROOK <<a href="mailto:carl@newsfromneptune.com">carl@newsfromneptune.com</a>>; Miller, Joseph Thomas <<a href="mailto:jtmiller@illinois.edu">jtmiller@illinois.edu</a>>;
<a href="mailto:sherwoodross10@gmail.com">sherwoodross10@gmail.com</a>; <a href="mailto:peace-discuss@anti-war.net">
peace-discuss@anti-war.net</a>; <a href="mailto:a-fields@uiuc.edu">a-fields@uiuc.edu</a>; Hoffman, Valerie J <<a href="mailto:vhoffman@illinois.edu">vhoffman@illinois.edu</a>>; Joe Lauria <<a href="mailto:joelauria@gmail.com">joelauria@gmail.com</a>>;
<a href="mailto:Peace-discuss@lists.chambana.net">Peace-discuss@lists.chambana.net</a>;
<a href="mailto:peace-discuss-request@lists.chambana.net">peace-discuss-request@lists.chambana.net</a>; Szoke, Ron <<a href="mailto:r-szoke@illinois.edu">r-szoke@illinois.edu</a>>; Arlene Hickory <<a href="mailto:a23h23@yahoo.com">a23h23@yahoo.com</a>>; Karen
 Aram <<a href="mailto:karenaram@hotmail.com">karenaram@hotmail.com</a>>; <a href="mailto:abass10@gmail.com">
abass10@gmail.com</a>; <a href="mailto:mickalideh@gmail.com">mickalideh@gmail.com</a>; Lina Thorne <<a href="mailto:lina@worldcantwait.net">lina@worldcantwait.net</a>>;
<a href="mailto:chicago@worldcantwait.net">chicago@worldcantwait.net</a>; Jay <<a href="mailto:futureup2us@gmail.com">futureup2us@gmail.com</a>>; David Johnson <<a href="mailto:davidjohnson1451@comcast.net">davidjohnson1451@comcast.net</a>>; Mildred O'brien
 <<a href="mailto:moboct1@aim.com">moboct1@aim.com</a>>; Estabrook, Carl G <<a href="mailto:galliher@illinois.edu">galliher@illinois.edu</a>>; David Swanson <<a href="mailto:davidcnswanson@gmail.com">davidcnswanson@gmail.com</a>><br>
<b>Subject:</b> ICEman UI Yale Law Mafia Dean Amar Aligns with Trump/Sessions against Sanctuary Cities & 11 Million Undocumented Migrants<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.0in"><b><span style="font-size:18.0pt;font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">Yeah well in 1986 I convinced  Urbana to become a Sanctuary City which it continued to be for 30 years and then with all  your
 help got that reaffirmed  in 2006—according to USA Today the only Sanctuary City between Chicago and New Orleans until Governor Rauner—a Conservative Republican— signed legislation that turned the entire State of Illinois into a Sanctuary State. Amar can stuff
 that up his bucket. Maybe Amar is tired of being Dean at the No. 44 Law School in the country and is gunning for a slot in the Trump/Sessions Department of Injustice or ICE—become an ICEman?<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.0in"><b><span style="font-size:18.0pt;font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">Fab<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.0in"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">Francis A. Boyle<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.0in"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">Law Building<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.0in"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">504 E. Pennsylvania Ave.<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.0in"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">Champaign, IL 61820 USA<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.0in"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">217-333-7954 (phone)<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.0in"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">217-244-1478 (fax)<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.0in"><b><i><u><span style="font-family:"Arial Black",sans-serif;color:black">(personal comments only)<o:p></o:p></span></u></i></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.5in"><b><span style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif">From:</span></b><span style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"> Justia Verdict [<a href="mailto:verdictsupport@justia.com">mailto:verdictsupport@justia.com</a>]
<br>
<b>Sent:</b> Thursday, November 2, 2017 10:08 AM<br>
<b>To:</b> Boyle, Francis A <<a href="mailto:fboyle@illinois.edu">fboyle@illinois.edu</a>><br>
<b>Subject:</b> Vikram David Amar - The Need for Clearer Understanding of the Basic Federalism Doctrines Concerning Sanctuary Cities and Other Federal-State Flashpoin<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.5in;mso-line-height-alt:.75pt"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:1.0pt;font-family:"Helvetica",sans-serif;color:#F3F3F3">Illinois Law dean and professor Vikram David Amar explains the federalism doctrines implicated
 by Attorney General Sessions’ attempt to deny funding to sanctuary jurisdictions. Amar points to lower court decisions that reflect a misunderstanding of the doctrines and calls upon federal courts and their law clerks to better understand and apply not just
 the nuanced technical details of various specific doctrines, but the overall federalism big picture as well.
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<h1 style="margin:0in;margin-bottom:.0001pt"><a href="https://verdict.justia.com/2017/11/02/need-clearer-understanding-basic-federalism-doctrines-concerning-sanctuary-cities-federal-state-flashpoints?utm_source=verdict-newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=2017-11-02&utm_content=text-title-1"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444;text-decoration:none">The
 Need for Clearer Understanding of the Basic Federalism Doctrines Concerning Sanctuary Cities and Other Federal-State Flashpoints</span></a><o:p></o:p></h1>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color:#A8A8A8">Vikram David Amar<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" align="right" style="text-align:right"><span style="color:#A8A8A8">Nov 2, 2017<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://verdict.justia.com/2017/11/02/need-clearer-understanding-basic-federalism-doctrines-concerning-sanctuary-cities-federal-state-flashpoints?utm_source=verdict-newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=2017-11-02&utm_content=image-post-1"><span style="text-decoration:none"><img border="0" width="540" style="width:5.625in" id="_x0000_i1026" src="https://i2.wp.com/verdict.justia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/shutterstock_579926992.jpg?quality=90&resize=426%2C350&strip=all&fit=1000%25&ssl=1"></span></a><o:p></o:p></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">As many of the lawsuits against Trump administration policies brought by state and local entities move towards their resolution on the merits in both federal district and appellate
 courts, it is becoming clear that courts are confused about some basic ways that various aspects of the doctrine of federalism—that is, the proper relationship between the federal and state governments—relate to each other.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">Case in point: the dispute between various cities and the Trump Department of Justice (DOJ) concerning Attorney General Sessions’ attempts to deny federal funding to so-called “sanctuary
 cities.” The Trump administration believes that jurisdictions that hold themselves out as sanctuaries facilitate crime. (The trial that began last week of Jose Ines Garcia Zarate, an undocumented man accused of murdering San Francisco woman and American citizen
 Kate Stienle two years ago, is directing a lot of publicity to the administration’s stance here.) Based on his views, President Trump issued an executive order shortly after taking office in which he directed relevant cabinet officers to deprive “sanctuary
 jurisdictions” of federal funding and to “take [additional] appropriate enforcement action” against them.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">That is the framework within which Attorney General Sessions has been trying to deny funding to sanctuary jurisdictions who seek grants under the Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance
 Grant Program, which supports state and local law enforcement with money for equipment, training, and personnel. In particular, the federal DOJ is requiring all funding applicants to: (1) provide federal agents with advanced notice of the scheduled release
 from state custody of certain individuals suspected of immigration violations; (2) provide the feds physical access to non-citizens who are being housed in state and local detention facilities; and (3) certify compliance with 8 U.S.C. § 1373.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">Section 1373, in pertinent part, provides that “a . . . State, or local government entity or official may not prohibit, or in any way restrict, any government entity or official from
 [maintaining,] sending to, or receiving from, [federal immigration authorities] information regarding the citizenship or immigration status, lawful or unlawful, of any individual.” Thus, the statute prevents a state or local government from having a policy
 or practice that forbids maintaining or giving to the feds information on the immigration status of individuals.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">Many cities have challenged one or more of these conditions, arguing that the federal government exceeds its powers under the Tenth Amendment by imposing such requirements on states
 and localities. There are two possible federal responses to this Tenth Amendment challenge.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size:14.5pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">An Argument for Authority Under Article I to Regulate Immigration<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">First, the feds can and do argue that they have authority to adopt these conditions pursuant to their power under Article I of the Constitution to regulate immigration, naturalization,
 and foreign affairs. As a general matter, this power is quite broad and may very well suffice to support the federal government’s requirements in this realm, but states and cities have a rejoinder here—a series of cases the Supreme Court decided in the 1990s
 that, collectively, create a rule known as the “anti-commandeering” doctrine. The basic idea is that, notwithstanding broad Article I powers of the federal government, the Tenth Amendment forbids the federal government coercing states and localities into providing
 affirmative enforcement assistance to federal authorities. In this setting, states and cities argue that the anti-commandeering principle prevents the feds from requiring state and local authorities to affirmatively provide information about or access to individuals
 who may have committed immigration law violations.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">Perhaps the most important Supreme Court case on this point is
<a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/521/898/"><em><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">Printz v. United States</span></em></a> (1997), in which the Supreme Court held that the federal government could not require state and local law enforcement
 officers to conduct background checks on gun purchasers as part of the implementation of a federal law (the Brady gun control law). “The Federal Government,” the Court said, “may neither issue directives requiring the States to address particular problems,
 nor command the States’ officers, or those of their political subdivisions, to administer or enforce a federal regulatory program.” According to many cities, this is precisely what Attorney General Sessions is trying to do.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">There are many questions about whether
<em><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">Printz</span></em> would continue to command majority support at the Supreme Court today, whether there might be an “immigration exception” to the
<em><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">Printz</span></em> doctrine, and whether
<em><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">Printz</span></em> by its own terms even applies to information-only demands by the feds (which would mean § 1373 would be ok, regardless of whether the demands for access to persons in state and local detention
 would be). If courts conclude that statutes like § 1373 do not constitute commandeering and are permissible under <em><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">Printz</span></em> (for any of the reasons in the previous sentence) then the feds can require that
 states and cities comply with them, pure and simple, under the Article I powers (concerning immigration, naturalization and foreign affairs) mentioned earlier.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size:14.5pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">An Argument for Authority Under the Spending Clause<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">But if one concludes that something like § 1373 constitutes impermissible commandeering in violation of federalism principles laid out in <em><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">Printz</span></em>,
 then the federal government would try to overcome the cities’ Tenth Amendment objection by relying on a second, different basis for federal power—the power the feds enjoy to attach strings to federal funding under the so-called Spending Clause of Article I.
 The Spending Clause in some circumstances gives the federal government power to achieve what it cannot directly command by creating monetary incentives for state and local governments.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">The spending authority, as it has been interpreted by the Court, is limited, however, in that it requires that any conditions the feds impose on the funding: (1) be clearly communicated
 to the states/cities up front, so the recipients can knowingly decide whether to accept the deal; (2) be rationally related to the purposes of federal funding in the first place; and (3) not require the states to do something that violates any other part of
 the Constitution. In addition, the Court has recently held, the funding at issue cannot be something on which states/cities have come to rely to such a great extent in the past so that they really have no choice but to accept any new strings that are attached.
 If these four aspects are satisfied, then the funding conditions are valid requirements under Article I and do not violate the Tenth Amendment, whether or not the feds could mandate compliance with the conditions in the absence of the funding carrot.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size:14.5pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">Misapplication or Misunderstanding by Lower Federal Courts<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">All of this is chock full of doctrinal details to be sure, but is nonetheless relatively clear and straightforward, even with all the steps involved. Except that some lower courts
 don’t seem to understand it. For example, in a ruling last month by a district court in the City of Chicago’s challenge to Attorney General Sessions’ insistence that Chicago comply with § 1367, the court conceived of the inquiry into § 1373’s constitutionality
 as follows:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom:12.0pt"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">[The AG’s insistence on] compliance [with § 1373] must be proper under the Spending Clause, and 1373 must pass constitutional muster [under the
<em><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">Printz</span></em> analysis.] As the City has not argued that the compliance condition violates the Spending Clause, the Court now turns to the Section 1373 question [under the Printz line of cases].<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">The court ultimately concluded that § 1373 did not run afoul of the
<em><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">Printz</span></em> anti-commandeering principle (for reasons similar to some that were mentioned above), so running the statute through the
<em><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">Printz</span></em> analysis did not in the end cause the federal government any harm.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">But the key point is that once it is conceded that compliance with § 1373 to obtain federal money is a valid condition on funding under the Spending Clause doctrine, it is irrelevant
 whether 1373’s mandate—in the absence of a conditional funding scheme—would violate the
<em><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">Printz</span></em> anti-commandeering rule. Passing muster under Spending Clause doctrine and passing muster under the
<em><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">Printz</span></em> doctrine are alternative ways for the federal government to prevail. If it wins on either, it wins. It needn’t win on both, the way the district court erroneously thought. Put another way, if
 a federal condition on funding is permissible under Spending Clause doctrine, it cannot, by definition, be an impermissible commandeering, since (by hypothesis) states have an option of turning the deal down. Hence, there is no federal mandate that could be
 considered to be commandeering.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">The point may seem nit-picky, but it’s not. It goes to the fundamental ways in which different yet related doctrines (in this case Spending Clause doctrine and the anti-commandeering
 principle) involving federal-state relations fit together. If federal courts are going to be able to enforce the limits that federalism creates on the national government, while at the same time permit the feds to operate in their own proper sphere (and inspire
 confidence in the public as they accomplish both objectives), they (and their law clerks) need to understand not just nuanced technical details of various specific doctrines, but the overall federalism big picture as well.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" align="center" style="text-align:center"><span style="color:#444444"><img border="0" width="145" style="width:1.5138in" id="_x0000_i1027" src="https://justatic.com/v/20171005a/verdict/images/authors/thumbs/amar.jpg"><br>
<a href="https://twitter.com/prof_amar"><span style="color:#BD161C;text-decoration:none">Follow @prof_amar</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#444444">Vikram David Amar is the Iwan Foundation Professor of Law and the Dean at the University of Illinois College of Law. Previously, he served as the Associate Dean for Academic Affairs
 and Professor of Law at the University of California, Davis School of Law. He is a 1988 graduate of the Yale Law School and a former clerk to Justice Harry Blackmun. He is a co-author, along with William Cohen and Jonathan Varat, of a major constitutional
 law casebook, and a co-author of several volumes of the Wright & Miller treatise on federal practice and procedure. Before teaching, Professor Amar spent a few years at the firm of Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher.
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<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">RECENT ARTICLES<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size:13.5pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#BD161C;text-transform:uppercase"><a href="https://verdict.justia.com/2017/11/01/troublingly-widening-gyre-complicity-claims?utm_source=verdict-newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=2017-11-02&utm_content=text-recent-entry-1"><span style="color:#BD161C;text-decoration:none">The
 Troublingly Widening Gyre of Complicity Claims</span></a></span></b><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif"> Cornell University law professor Michael C. Dorf describes a principle most famously articulated by Thomas Jefferson, under which there should be
 a right to avoid providing financial support for causes one strongly opposes. Dorf argues that the Jeffersonian principle has lately run amok. He points out that the government’s argument against allowing a seventeen-year-old undocumented immigrant in federal
 custody to obtain a privately funded abortion is but one example of the government’s too-broad definition of “facilitation” of acts with which it disagrees. Dorf argues that adoption of such a position would convert every objectionable private exercise of
 rights into government participation.... <a href="https://verdict.justia.com/2017/11/01/troublingly-widening-gyre-complicity-claims?utm_source=verdict-newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=2017-11-02&utm_content=text-recent-entry-1">
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<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size:13.5pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#BD161C;text-transform:uppercase"><a href="https://verdict.justia.com/2017/10/30/body-worn-cameras-dog-wont-bark?utm_source=verdict-newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=2017-11-02&utm_content=text-recent-entry-2"><span style="color:#BD161C;text-decoration:none">Body
 Worn Cameras: The Dog That Won’t Bark</span></a></span></b><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif"> Cornell University law professor Joe Margulies comments on the findings of a recent study of police body cameras that body-worn cameras made no statistically
 significant difference in how police go about their jobs. Margulies points out that the story is not in the absence of a difference, but in people’s surprise to the absence of a difference. Indeed, it is the routine, not the anomalous, that requires reform....
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<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size:13.5pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;color:#BD161C;text-transform:uppercase"><a href="https://verdict.justia.com/2017/10/26/needs-happen-next-metoo-campaign-fulfill-potential?utm_source=verdict-newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=2017-11-02&utm_content=text-recent-entry-3"><span style="color:#BD161C;text-decoration:none">What
 Needs to Happen Next for the #MeToo Campaign to Fulfill Its Potential</span></a></span></b><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif"> Professor and resident senior fellow in the Fox Leadership Program at the University of Pennsylvania, Marci A. Hamilton praises
 the #MeToo campaign and explains what more needs to happen to meaningfully address the pervasive issues of sexual assault and abuse against children and adults. Hamilton points to the brave actions by Olympic gymnast McKayla Maroney and elaborates on what
 must change in our society to empower victims and hold those in power accountable....
<a href="https://verdict.justia.com/2017/10/26/needs-happen-next-metoo-campaign-fulfill-potential?utm_source=verdict-newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=2017-11-02&utm_content=text-recent-entry-3">
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