[Peace-discuss] They seem more like Klingons or Romulans
to me...
ppatton at uiuc.edu
ppatton at uiuc.edu
Thu Aug 26 18:47:55 CDT 2004
For those of you who aren't Star Trek fans, the humor in my
heading may be incomprehensible. I apologize. On a more
serious note, this article contains the interesting
observation that "Mr. Kerry is running to the right of how he
would govern. His heavily liberal record is that of an
internationalist." I hope Martin is right.
Beware the Vulcans: Why this US Vote is so Critical
by Lawrence Martin
In his book The Rise of the Vulcans, James Mann writes of
what he calls one of the most significant foreign policy
documents in decades. Written in 1991 by the Pentagon's
Zalmay Khalizad, the paper set forth "a new vision for a
world dominated by a lone American superpower, actively
working to make sure that no rival group or group of rivals
would ever emerge."
Formal alliances were to be downgraded, and collective
security given short thrift. American muscle would be the
arbiter of the new world order.
Mr. Khalizad was part of a pack of Pentagon hard-liners -- or
Vulcans, as some of them liked to call themselves -- that
included Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, and Paul Wolfowitz.
Though it is generally accepted that 9/11 triggered the
changes in the world's power dynamic, these men had been
plotting since the late 1960s, as the even-tempered Mann book
reveals, to bring an end to great power diplomacy and the
collective security system.
The Khalizad document became their bible and, when Ralph
Nader handed the Republicans the White House in 2000, they
began implementing its tenets. If they win the election this
fall -- the most high-stakes election in memory -- they will
try to finish the job.
The influence of the Vulcans has been pivotal. As the Cold
War closed and their manifesto was being written, there were
other options open to the United States. As they did after
the Second World War, the Americans could have chosen to
strengthen multilateral organizations and forge a new concept
of collective security. They could have scaled back their
overseas power and devoted resources to domestic afflictions.
Some in Washington advocated big defense-spending cuts, with
the savings going toward making America the real shining city
on the hill -- one without the poverty and the glaring
inequalities and the health-care shortages. But the cuts
would have left the Pentagon with only 10 times the might of
its average competitors, as opposed to 20. The Vulcans wanted
20.
George W. Bush took office speaking of the need for alliances
and power-sharing. "If we're an arrogant nation, they'll
resent us," he said of the world's other nations. But when he
surrounded himself with supporters of the Khalizad document,
the die was cast. Unilateralism became a buzzword. The Iraq
war -- largely a product of the enthusiasms and exaggerations
of Mr. Cheney, Mr. Rumsfeld and Mr. Wolfowitz -- signaled
that the old balance-of-power system was going up in smoke,
replaced by the new one-superpower world view.
For the United States, the irony is considerable. It has long
held claim to being one of the great democracies. But what,
as the critics ask, is democratic about one country running,
if not subjugating, a world of more than 200 nations?
The election in November is so critical because it will be
seen as either ratification or repudiation of Vulcan
unilateralism. On the face of it, the Democratic Party is
hardly proposing radical change. John Kerry is fuzzy on Iraq
and no dove on military spending. He ludicrously plans on
increasing the already-hyperventilating Pentagon budget,
making it the biggest in history when the military capacity
of the enemy -- pockets of terrorists as opposed to giant
armies and arsenals -- is the smallest in history.
But Mr. Kerry is running to the right of how he would govern.
His heavily liberal record is that of an internationalist. A
victory by him would signal a major attitudinal shift. As he
makes ringingly clear, he wants to rebuild alliances,
reinvigorate the concept of collective security and make
America respected in the world again.
While Mr. Bush must be somewhat chastened by the "weapons of
mass destruction" fiasco, by the Abu Ghraib prison scandal,
and by the thousands of deaths his war has engendered, he
would see victory as vindication. Other nations would recoil.
They would fear more politics of confrontation, more
polarization, more war. Hatred for America would escalate.
There would be no search for a new internationalism favored
by Canada and other nations because, as The Rise of the
Vulcans makes clear, the Vulcans' underlying philosophy is
that they need not reach accommodation with anyone.
They are an odd breed, these men. They hate dictatorship,
unless they're doing the dictating.
© Copyright 2004 Bell Globemedia Publishing Inc
__________________________________________________________________
Dr. Paul Patton
Research Scientist
Beckman Institute Rm 3027 405 N. Mathews St.
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Urbana, Illinois 61801
work phone: (217)-265-0795 fax: (217)-244-5180
home phone: (217)-344-5812
homepage: http://netfiles.uiuc.edu/ppatton/www/index.html
"The most beautiful thing we can experience is the mysterious. It is the
source of all true art and science."
-Albert Einstein
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