[Peace-discuss] Fwd: African Social Forum

[Alfred Kagan]

Some of you may be interested in this.

Begin forwarded message:

> From: Africa Action <africaaction at igc.org>
> Date: April 25, 2005 3:17:16 PM CDT
> To: ejlist at africaaction.org
> Subject: Africa Trip Report
>
>  Dear Friends,
>
>  In December 2004, Africa Action’s Director of Public Education & 
> Mobilization, Marie Clarke Brill, traveled to the African Social Forum 
> in Lusaka, Zambia and then onwards to Nairobi, Kenya, for meetings 
> with African civil society groups.  Marie’s trip afforded Africa 
> Action an opportunity to connect with a range of key actors in African 
> civil society and to discuss our shared priorities and our respective 
> activities.  The report below outlines the highlights of Marie’s 
> trip.  It will also be available on our website later today, in plain 
> text and PDF versions.
>
> I hope you will enjoy reading it, and, as always, we welcome your 
> comments.
>
> Yours in struggle,
>
>  Salih
>  ---
>  Africa Trip Report:
>  Exploring the Emerging Social Movements in Africa
>  at the Third African Social Forum
>   
>  Submitted By
>  Marie Clarke Brill
>  Director, Department of Public Education and Mobilization
>  Africa Action
>
>
>  Executive Summary
>
>  The African Social Forum was born out of the larger World Social 
> Forum, which provides an annual open meeting place where groups and 
> movements of civil society come together to dialogue and network 
> towards collaborative action.  The Third African Social Forum (ASF) 
> took place in Lusaka, Zambia in mid-December 2004. This report 
> includes notes and analysis of the African Social Forum and provides 
> reflections on emerging social movements in Africa.
>
>  As a "forum" for deep dialogue on key justice issues, the African 
> Social Forum was a great success. The quality of presentations and 
> discussions in the conference rooms, corridors and cafés was 
> exceptional. Economic justice issues were the most strongly 
> represented at the ASF, with democracy, transparency and human rights 
> following close behind. While there was not a formal and united 
> statement or declaration that emerged, common themes included the call 
> for 100% cancellation of Africa’s illegitimate debts and the need for 
> reparations; critique of the Economic Partnership Agreements and Free 
> Trade initiatives and a call for fair and just trade; criticism of the 
> growing interest in the Millennium Development Goals (MDG); and calls 
> for access to basic services including access to clean and safe water, 
> health care, education, affordable housing, and universal treatment 
> for those living with HIV/AIDS.
>
>  In addition to the vibrant discussions, strong critiques of the ASF 
> emerged in Lusaka. Many participants would like to see the ASF unite 
> social movements or come out with united statements or declarations. 
> Others desire the forum to be a tool of popular education and 
> mobilization, which implies the need for far greater attendance and a 
> common focus for action. Critiques also included challenges to the 
> leadership, frustration with the limited resources, and the make-up of 
> the participants and the panels. Despite the fact that there were many 
> concerns about the ASF, it remained a very helpful space for our 
> purposes of meeting with colleagues across the continent, exploring 
> African analysis and discussing collaborative work.
>
>   
>  I came to the African Social Forum carrying a question that had been 
> posed to the opening panel at the Africa Action 2004 Baraza. "What are 
> the emerging social movements in Africa?"  This document does not 
> attempt to provide a comprehensive, or a definitive, answer to this 
> expansive question, but instead to offer some initial conclusions that 
> speak to this question.
>
>  Despite the variety of definitions and understanding of the terms 
> "social movements", I often got very similar answers to the question. 
> In all cases, the connections across issues are clearly identified. 
> Many organizations and individuals are involved in more than one 
> social movement and carry the broader analysis to each. The primary 
> continent-wide social movements identified are the Anti-Corporate 
> Globalization/ Economic Justice Movement, the movement for Democracy 
> and Transparency, the movement to fight HIV/AIDS, the Women’s Movement 
> and the Youth Movement. I have also included in this report a quick 
> landscape survey of social movements in South Africa, Kenya, Zambia 
> and Zimbabwe. A couple of people argued that there was really one 
> dominant continent-wide movement that addresses both 
> democracy/transparency and economic justice (including access to 
> services and fighting AIDS). 
>
>  The African Social Forum gave witness to the extensive and vibrant 
> work for justice that grows despite limited financial resources and 
> the challenges of building African movements across 54 nations and 
> thousands of languages. The profound African analysis and vision 
> expressed at the ASF challenges those of us working for justice in 
> Africa to find greater opportunities for collaboration in message, 
> analysis and campaign development.              
>
>   
>  Africa Trip Report:
>  Exploring the Emerging Social Movements in Africa
>   
>
>  Trip Objectives
>
>  The Third African Social Forum took place in Lusaka, Zambia in 
> mid-December 2004, shortly after the conclusion of Africa Action’s 
> second annual Baraza. The purpose of my trip on behalf of Africa 
> Action to the ASF was to build on existing relationships with African 
> organizations and meet new potential colleagues in our common work for 
> economic, political and social justice for Africa. It was also an 
> opportunity to consult with African colleagues on potential 
> campaigning and framing priorities for Africa Action (debt, treatment 
> access etc.). Finally, it also allowed us to identify places of 
> convergence for our work and the work happening on the African 
> continent and the key colleagues with whom we can deepen this 
> connection
>
>  I traveled to the ASF carrying an overarching question that had been 
> posed to the opening panel at the Africa Action 2004 Baraza. "What are 
> the emerging social movements in Africa?"  This is the type of 
> question that could become a master’s thesis, one that entire 
> organizations, like the Centre for Civil Society in South Africa, 
> attempt to answer. This question haunted me during the trip, and you 
> will see from the notes below that I was able to gather some sense of 
> the emerging social movements both at the Forum and in conversation 
> with key African activists who have been engaged in movement building 
> for decades. This document does not attempt to provide a 
> comprehensive, or a definitive answer to this question; it simply is a 
> starting point.
>   
>  As my travel route was through Kenya, I took a couple of extra days 
> in Nairobi to meet with a variety of Kenyan colleagues. The objectives 
> for this portion of the trip were largely the same as those for the 
> African Social Forum.
>
>   
>  African Social Forum
>
>  General Observations
>
>  The number of people attending the third African Social Forum seemed 
> to fluctuate around 500. Everyone was disappointed in this turnout. 
> While it was higher than the second forum in Addis Ababa, it was much 
> lower than expected. Many argued that the low attendance was partially 
> because of a lack of resources to bring people and partially because 
> of lack of publicity. Despite the fact that we were in Zambia, there 
> was a relatively small Zambian delegation. This was clearly a result 
> of insufficient publicity about the event. The largest delegation was 
> from Zimbabwe. There were also a significant number of people from 
> Malawi, South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya and Senegal. There were several 
> North Africans, more than had attended previous forums. There were 
> roughly equal numbers from East and West Africa, a smaller number of 
> Central Africans and the largest group, naturally, was from Southern 
> Africa.
>
>  There was more representation of people who are not affiliated with 
> an organization, who are impoverished people working for change in 
> their local community, than at the two previous forums. Unfortunately, 
> because of difficulty with interpretation and the reality that most of 
> these participants only spoke a specific ethnic language, they were 
> only able to partially participate. Many participants offered the 
> critique that the African Social Forum should be much bigger, with 
> greater participation by the social movements, and with adequate 
> translation to ensure their equal participation.
>
>   
>  The Language of Social Movements
>
>  The observation on social movement participation at the African 
> Social Forum raises a larger general observation about the discourse 
> of social movements in Africa. The first challenge in addressing the 
> question of emerging social movements in Africa is how one defines 
> "social movements". There are three dominant understandings of the 
> term "social movements". The first use of the term "social movements" 
> means the work for change on an issue by a broad section of society. 
> For example, the international women’s movement would be considered a 
> "social movement" working towards the equal rights of women in which 
> not only women but also men have participated. This definition allows 
> for organizations to take part in the movement, but implies that there 
> is not usually a head organization or individual. This type of 
> definition holds for many in the African context, but it is not the 
> exclusive definition.
>
>  A second definition for "social movements", as used above in 
> describing attendance, refers not to an issue around which many work 
> for change, but a grouping of people. These are people who are not 
> paid activists or people heavily involved in any organization. They 
> are often rural people or the urban poor who are facing the reality of 
> poverty and oppression in their every day lives. They might be farmers 
> or slum-dwellers, men, women or youth. They are all, however, actively 
> working for change. They might or might not be members of coalitions, 
> trade unions, resource centers, or make up the "grassroots" of 
> non-governmental organizations. This form of the term "social 
> movements" was often used at the African Social Forum in contexts 
> like, "We need more representation of the social movements. Most of 
> the participants at this forum are non-governmental organizations and 
> other civil society organizations." All of the participants of the 
> African Social Forum are working for change, and most of them would 
> consider themselves a part of some type of "social movement" as it is 
> described in the first version of the definition, but they are not the 
> most impoverished or the most oppressed of African society.
>
>  A third definition of "social movements", used frequently at the 
> African Social Forum was in reference to particular organizations that 
> have a strong representation of people who are oppressed, poor, or 
> experiencing first hand the injustice of the issue. For example, when 
> asked about the emerging social movements in South Africa, many 
> mentioned specific organizations including the Treatment Access 
> Campaign or the Anti-Privatization Forum. This is different than 
> responding that the emerging social movements are on AIDS or 
> anti-corporate globalization, or that the emerging social movements 
> are people living with AIDS or people who have lost access to basic 
> social services due to forced privatization of these services.
>
>  Gender
>
>  There was a gender imbalance both in terms of participation and more 
> visibly in terms of leadership on panels and in the ASF overall. Even 
> though Women for Change was the host organization, they were mostly 
> working on logistics and as a result were not in visible leadership on 
> the program. There were several sessions on women, "Gender and Trade", 
> "Feminist Dialogue" and an African’s Women’s Court, for example, but 
> some of these sessions were scheduled at the same time, dividing the 
> women among the sessions. At the times when there were specific 
> sessions on women or gender, the other sessions at that time were 
> almost exclusively attended by men.
>
>  Media/Publicity
>
>  Unlike in other forums, there was very little visibility of the ASF 
> in Lusaka at large. The ASF was held in the Mulungushi International 
> Conference Center, where there was a banner on the front gate, but 
> there were no banners, posters or any other type of sign in other 
> parts of Lusaka to draw attention to the ASF. There was little if any 
> media coverage of the ASF in the papers on opening day, and there was 
> very little coverage of the forum in the bigger papers or the TV news 
> for the duration of the event. U.K. Prime Minister Tony Blair’s 
> Commission on Africa had a consultation in Lusaka during one of the 
> last days of the ASF, which got more local press than the forum got at 
> any point. Of course, the Commission on Africa did not bother to 
> consult with those at the ASF. There was a very good internal 
> newspaper produced by people at the ASF, but it is not clear that it 
> was circulated beyond the participants.
>
>  African Critiques
>
>  Much of the critique centered on the disappointment in the small 
> numbers of attendance and the frustration about insufficient 
> resources. Greater resources would have enabled greater participation 
> and greater publicity of the ASF. Women and some of the men in 
> attendance also raised the need for greater gender representation on 
> the panels.
>
>  Many African participants, including some in the leadership 
> structure, were highly critical of the leadership of the ASF. The 
> argument was that the leadership structure has been too small in 
> number and has not been transparent or participatory enough. This, 
> some argued, was what resulted in the situation whereby many of the 
> same people spoke several times over on the different panels. 
> Participants would have preferred hearing from more voices. The 
> leadership concerns also were connected to complaints about the 
> forum’s logistics; the disappointments about decisions made that 
> influenced the agenda of the forum; and about the lack of transparency 
> about money and budget. It is important to note that the concerns on 
> fiscal transparency were not accusations of corruption, but simply a 
> lack of clarity in the larger group about how much money had been 
> raised and how it had been spent. For example, some speculated that 
> more money could have been spent to bus in more people from rural 
> areas, as opposed to being spent on other parts of the ASF.
>
>  The concerns about the leadership and the decision making around the 
> forum are best summed up in a paper produced and distributed by South 
> African participants called, "Social Movements Indaba Statement". The 
> South Africans feel especially excluded from the leadership. While the 
> statement resonates with the critiques made throughout the ASF, the 
> fact that the statement came from the South Africans who tend to be 
> the most militant and vocal in their critique meant that the statement 
> was less well received.
>
>  Participants were also disappointed that there were not more 
> conference perks (due to little funding) like coffee breaks, bags or 
> other souvenirs, packets with papers etc. as there had been at the two 
> previous Forums. There also were some logistical problems, and little 
> or very late translation. There was a church service scheduled on two 
> of the days (which lasted all day) that was very loud and better 
> attended, perhaps, than the ASF, sparking discussion about the need 
> for more faith-based outreach and questions about who the ASF 
> attracts.
>
>  A True Forum
>
>  Despite the fact that there were many concerns and criticisms about 
> the ASF, it remained a very helpful space for our purposes of meeting 
> with people from around the continent, hearing the analysis and having 
> discussions on our campaign priorities. If you see the African Social 
> Forum as a "forum" where deep discussion and dialogue on key justice 
> issues can been had, the ASF was a great success. The quality of 
> presentations, discussions and dialogue in the conference rooms, the 
> corridors and the cafés was all exceptional. The critiques become more 
> powerful for those who would like to see the ASF unite social 
> movements or come out with united statements or declarations, and to 
> some extent for those who desire the forum to be a tool of popular 
> education and mobilization.
>
>   
>  Opening Session "Another Africa is Possible"
>
>  The opening session was very interesting. The framework for "Another 
> Africa" was identified as, "Creating a poverty free and just world." 
> According to the presenters, this can be done by:
>
>   
>
>  1.      Total debt cancellation
>
>  2.      No exploitation of natural resources
>
>  3.      Fair trade
>
>  4.      Ensuring human and social rights for all (health, education, 
> water)
>
>  5.      Ending HIV/AIDS
>
>  6.      Addressing natural disasters and conflict
>
>  7.      Addressing gender inequality
>
>   
>
>  The challenges identified by the presenters were:
>
>   
>  *  Africans need a mass movement to put people first and profit last.
>
>  *  Africans need alternatives to neo-liberalism and a movement to 
> challenge neo-liberalism.
>
>  *  Africans must create a resistance against violence
>
>  *  Africans need democratic alternatives.
>
>   
>  After this framework was identified, speakers from each country or 
> region that had hosted a national or regional social forum got up to 
> speak. They each identified priority issues that had come out of their 
> social forum and many offered their analysis or gave speeches about 
> their deepest concerns.
>
>  Kenya: Focus on debt cancellation, celebrated a history of resisting 
> colonialism, had a special focus on youth.
>
>  Egypt: Focus on corruption and dictatorships - the need for 
> democratic and civil states that respect human rights. Egypt’s forum 
> challenged NGOs to be democratic themselves and to strengthen civil 
> society.
>
>  Senegal: Focus on NEPAD/globalization/debt. Senegalese forum 
> emphasized the need to develop African solutions Africa’s main 
> challenges.
>
>  Tunisia: Focus on globalization and violence; and the building of 
> social movements that develop alternatives and new political patterns.
>
>  Zimbabwe: Focus on the need to resist ALL forms of oppression, and 
> build social movements from the ground up.
>
>  Cote D’Ivoire: Focus on conflicts, not only in Cote D’Ivoire but also 
> in Sierra Leone, Senegal, Liberia and the fear that there will be 
> others soon. Within this focus, they addressed child soldiers, 
> violence against women. and the impact on access to social services 
> and economic growth. "When there is no peace we cannot talk about 
> economics."
>
>  Malawi: Forum was launched with the government’s participation (very 
> unique). Focus was on HIV/AIDS and issues like debt that fuel HIV/AIDS 
> and the lack of access to education and health care.
>
>  Nigeria: 2,000 participants. Focus on debt cancellation as a first 
> priority to eradicated poverty, HIV/AIDS and corruption.
>
>  Morocco: Focus on colonialism, trade, and the myth that Sub-Saharan 
> Africans are Africans and North Africans are Arabs. "North Africans 
> are ready to collaborate."
>
>  Gambia: Focus on the need for new strategies and action plans that 
> can create change at the national and international level and to build 
> stronger mobilizations of people at the grassroots.
>
>  West African Social Forum: Africans must move from statements to 
> action. Focus on Globalization, especially debt, trade and women’s 
> rights.
>
>  Regional and Continent-Wide Groups/Movements Highlighted: 
>
>  *  Third World Network spoke about economic re-colonization.
>
>  *  Third World Forum spoke about debt, need for reparations.
>
>  *  Anti-Privatization Forum spoke about challenging neo-liberalism by 
> standing up in solidarity with clear agendas (e.g. no NEPAD, no 
> IMF/WB/WTO).
>
>   
>  Debt Workshop (2 parts - each part a ½ day)
>
>  These notes are brief overviews as Demba Dembele from the Forum of 
> African Alternatives has prepared a full report on the outcomes of 
> this workshop. His report is available on request at 
> dembuss at hotmail.com.
>
>   
>  African Continental Perspective
>
>  The presentation was given by Jack Jones Zulu of Jubilee Zambia. He 
> gave a compelling overview of the debt crisis on the African continent 
> that was full of statistics. He called for 100% unconditional debt 
> cancellation of all unpayable, odious, illegitimate and ecological 
> debts. He said we must work to abolish harmful conditions that keep 
> countries in bondage. Jubilee Zambia is also asking for an open 
> process for loan contractions and debt management.
>
>  Country Campaign Updates
>
>  Updates were given by campaigns from Malawi, South Africa, Egypt, 
> Zimbabwe, Mali and the U.S. and there was an overview of the broader 
> work of Jubilee South.
>
>  Discussion Outcomes
>
>  There was an emphasis on the demand as initially articulated by Jack 
> Jones Zulu. There was some debate about conditionality, but all agreed 
> any transparency conditions should come from the South, not the North. 
> There was some discussion about the need for repudiation, reparations 
> etc. There was a lot of skepticism that the Group of Eight wealthy 
> nations (G8) would produce anything helpful for Africa on this 
> question. There was some debate about Iraqi debt cancellation and how 
> to discuss the debt relief agreement for Iraq. People were clear on 
> the importance of addressing the political expediency of that 
> decision. There was a discussion on the need for alternative sources 
> of financing for African countries. There was a great deal of interest 
> in the Jubilee South plans for audits to identify "who owes what to 
> whom" as a tool to strengthen the case for debt cancellation. There 
> was an agreement to better connect the issue of debt with issues of 
> HIV/AIDS, trade, child rights, etc. Events identified for further 
> action were the World Social Forum, G8, AU Summit, UN Summit and 
> Regional Economic Summits.
>
>
>  Millennium Development Goals Workshop
>
>  All agreed that MDGs fell short of what was needed. Few had much to 
> expect from the goals as they are now. Some argued that there could 
> still be a lot done on the MDG platform. It became quickly clear that 
> those that are actively working on these issues are either working 
> with the All African Conference of Churches, with a mainstream 
> Christian denomination or for international organizations or with 
> organizations that get funding from the World Bank. At the forum ALL 
> groups working on MDGs were being paid to do so by the Northern 
> churches, organizations or institutions.
>
>  Those in favor of engaging in the MDG discussion argued that the 
> goals are a confession that the free market economy has failed as a 
> paradigm. They argue that there is no harm in using the principles as 
> another opportunity to push the priorities that make up the body of 
> the work of social movements in Africa. They point out, however, that 
> the agency to "make poverty history" is with those who know the 
> experience of poverty and how to eradicate it, not simply those who 
> just say, "make poverty history."
>
>  One presenter made the comment that he is excited about the broad 
> coalition working on the MDGs and wanted the group to recognize that 
> "advanced" civil society drives the MDG campaign. (Imagine the offense 
> this statement caused!)
>
>  Critics of the MDGs argue that they are "a symptom of the lies in the 
> world." Others mentioned that they are a distraction. Some said they 
> find it hard to transcribe them for people in rural areas.
>
>   
>  Actions around MDGs include:
>
>  *  People wearing white arm bands
>
>  *  Global Actions on the third week of April for trade justice
>
>  *  The G8 mobilization in the UK
>
>  *  Mobilizations around the WTO Ministerial in Hong Kong
>
>   
>  Zimbabwe Workshop
>
>  The workshop on the Zimbabwe crisis focused on the conflict as a 
> regional problem, not just a national problem. The crisis has many 
> elements that are seen in other countries in the region. Within a 
> suffocating political framework there are issues of governance and 
> economic policies that benefit the few not the majority. Discussants 
> argued that the white elite have just been replaced with the black 
> elite. Presenters argued that the struggle in Zimbabwe is no longer a 
> struggle between black and white but between the black elite and the 
> black poor. This analysis was echoed by others from nations across the 
> continent.
>
>  The movement building in Zimbabwe is not new - it is centered on 
> struggles for both democracy and social justice and is played out in 
> campaigns for jobs, the vote etc. Young people are the base of the 
> emerging social movements in Zimbabwe.
>
>  The critique of Mugabe is both of his dictatorship, but also his 
> commitment to market reforms that set in place the neo-liberal agenda. 
> 50% of the budget goes to debt service, and 25% to corruption. There 
> is a huge brain drain as 3 million Zimbabweans now live outside 
> Zimbabwe - searching for security and better paying jobs.
>
>   
>  IMF/WB Civil Society Engagement Workshop
>
>  This workshop was lead by CIVICUS. There was a presentation on three 
> types of relationships with the institutions: non-engagement, 
> selective engagement and comprehensive engagement. These can be on 
> policy or governance issues. There was a plug for the World Bank/NGO 
> Committee and their annual Global Policy Forum in April in Washington, 
> DC where Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs are required as a 
> part of debt relief and loan arrangements with the International 
> Financial Institutions) will be the hot topic. It was noted that in 
> this committee, civil society is no longer a co-convener but can still 
> engage.
>
>  The presentation was not well accepted by the audience. In fact, not 
> a single person spoke up in favor of engagement on any level. Most saw 
> engagement as being co-opted by the Bank which turns around to use 
> their $20 million/year public relations budget to tout how well they 
> work with civil society. There were several attacks on CIVICUS 
> directly, asking where they get their funding (some comes from World 
> Bank) and challenging them on their claim to be using this as a way to 
> gather critiques of the institutions which will then be presented to 
> the institutions in April. Some argued that by even having such a 
> discussion at the ASF, the World Bank will be able to argue that they 
> "consulted" (through CIVICUS) with the African Social Forum and that 
> it might be perceived as giving legitimacy to the World Bank.
>
>  My personal favorite quote was on what it was like to participate 
> with the World Bank and governments in writing a PRSP, "You write your 
> own poverty plan. It is like building your own cage and then locking 
> yourself into it."
>
>  Treatment Workshop
>
>  The workshop was chaired by Davie Malungisa of ZIMCODD (Zimbabwe 
> Coalition on Debt and Development) and had participants of PATAM (Pan 
> African Treatment Access Movement), Action Aid International, GALZ 
> (Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe), ZAHA (Zimbabwean Activists on 
> HIV/AIDS) and SIPO (National Network of People Living with HIV/AIDS)
>
>  The workshop framed the HIV/AIDS crisis within the context of human 
> rights and economic justice. The stated goal is to achieve universal, 
> accessible, comprehensive treatment and care for all who live with 
> HIV/AIDS. There were presentations on the impact and prevalence of 
> HIV/AIDS in Zimbabwe, testimonies to the experience of working to 
> fight HIV/AIDS among women, children, those with disabilities etc
>
>  There was an overview of the Zimbabwean government’s response. In 
> 1999, Zimbabwe’s Government declared that AIDS was a national disaster 
> and created a commission on AIDS - the National AIDS Council. There 
> are no representatives of civil society or those living with HIV/AIDS 
> on this council. The National AIDS Council developed AIDS policy; 
> there is an AIDS levy as a part of the payroll tax which goes to an 
> AIDS trust fund. Soon afterwards, Zimbabwe started receiving grants 
> and loans from donors including the International Monetary Fund and 
> World Bank to buy TB and other essential drugs. Zimbabwe started 
> importing generics in May 2002. It was noted that the International 
> Financial Institutions have now broken relationships with the 
> government. Zimbabwe’s proposal to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB 
> and Malaria was rejected.
>
>  There have been a variety of policies created around HIV/AIDS, 
> including policies on home based care, AIDS and nutrition and 
> education, guidelines for the police force and workplace intervention 
> policies, mental health guidelines and guidelines for delivery of 
> anti-retroviral medicines (ARV).
>
>  Action Aid’s Mutapola project was highlighted. It is a program that 
> demonstrates the fact that women are at the forefront of the HIV/AIDS 
> crisis. It does this by describing "Mutapola" as the face of the 
> HIV/AIDS crisis; a woman that represents all women impacted. The 
> project recognizes that not only are women the most impacted by the 
> crisis, but men dominate the leadership in the HIV/AIDS communities, 
> coalitions and organizations. (A man gave the presentation.) The 
> Mutapola campaign focuses on the fact that women who live with AIDS 
> have a lot of differences, but they are all poor, black and female.  
> It frames women with HIV/AIDS as being strong, proud, loving and in 
> need of treatment and comprehensive healthcare (not a victim). The 
> campaign pillars are:
>
>  1.      Right to comprehensive treatment and care
>
>  2.      Right to secure livelihood and food (including the right to 
> income and land)
>
>  3.      Strengthening the capacity of organizations that focus on 
> women and HIV/AIDS
>
>  4.      Advocacy for policies that prioritize rights of women and 
> girls
>
>  The testimony on women and HIV/AIDS emphasized the relationship 
> between women’s rights and HIV/AIDS and gender violence and HIV/AIDS. 
> The focus was on women’s experiences as care givers, home based care 
> providers, getting access to health and education and land.
>
>  The testimony on disabilities focused on the double stigma and 
> discrimination of people with disabilities and HIV/AIDS. There was 
> also an emphasis on the isolation of people with disabilities, and 
> thus the increased difficulty for them to get the correct information 
> on how to protect themselves from HIV/AIDS. There was the desire to 
> see this issue highlighted in policy.
>
>  There were several testimonies about programs, support groups and 
> other projects that are happening in different countries. ZNNP+ 
> (Zimbabwe Network of People living with AIDS) and others have fostered 
> support groups, networking, health education and ways to lobby for the 
> rights of people living with HIV/AIDS. Their tactics range from 
> marches to insider lobby strategies. They also provide services 
> including home based care and counseling.
>
>  Martha Tholanah from GALZ gave a great presentation addressing the 
> larger economic connections to AIDS, treatment access etc
>
>  The biggest challenges identified were:
>
>  1.      Donors are pulling out of countries mostly because of donor 
> apathy, but in some countries, like Zimbabwe, because of political 
> problems. "Are sanctions on HIV+ people or on Zimbabwe?"
>
>  2.      Public personalities need to step up to help fight 
> discrimination and stigma.
>
>  3.      Governments are prioritizing home based care over helping 
> people who are still capable of working.
>
>  4.      Prioritization by the West of their big pharmaceutical 
> companies with expensive drugs and patents over generics.
>
>  5.      NOT ENOUGH RESOURCES for organizations to do what they need 
> to do. Even basic things like getting transport to rural areas and 
> translating materials into local languages can’t happen because of 
> insufficient funding.
>
>  6.      There are challenges of local healers talking about "cures" 
> and of fake ARVs. People are making easy money on other people’s 
> suffering.
>
>  Favorite quotes, "On top of all that women do, they now have to carry 
> hospitals on their heads." On the topic of the 'origin' of AIDS, 
> "There is no use jumping around about spilled water, because water 
> won’t go back into the container. Same with AIDS. The question is, 
> ‘What do we do now?’"
>
>
>  Workshop on Social Movements and Economic Alternatives
>
>  The "alternatives" section of this workshop was focused on the need 
> for locally grown alternatives. While it was clear that there needed 
> to be work at all levels, alternatives that come from "above" were 
> regarded as "dangerous". The participants were encouraged to keep the 
> past and the present in mind when exploring alternatives.
>
>  On social movements, there was some discussion about the experience 
> of South Africa, where there was an expectation of liberation after 
> 1994, but "nothing changed." Instead there was the G.E.A.R. (Growth 
> Employment and Redistribution), and the new South African government 
> adopted the neo-liberal agenda.
>
>  Social movements were discussed as movements informed by the 
> struggles of workers and the poor. This was illustrated by the 
> anti-privatization struggles and land struggles.  Collins Magalasi 
> from Malawi described frustration of going to a community and engaging 
> people in protest of the World Bank, only to have the World Bank come 
> in shortly afterwards with a check for a school, tempting people away 
> from the movement. Many expressed frustration with meetings and were 
> looking for action. All expressed a need for a groundswell.
>
>  There was discussion of how to link grassroots with governments to 
> influence change, and how to use information as a tool of empowerment. 
> Some questioned if it is possible to create change without 
> governments.
>
>  The group divided into several smaller groups to discuss movements in 
> their contexts. In my group people were quiet for some time when asked 
> what social movements exist in their context. When one person asked if 
> an anti-privatization movement existed in their country, the response 
> from South Africans, Zambians and Zimbabweans was, "Oh, yes!" There 
> was a realization that a lot of people have different understandings 
> on what a social movement is. Some associate the term with people who 
> are not connected to an organization, others with people who act 
> together towards a specific goal for change. The movements that are 
> easiest to identify are ones that have organizations involved with 
> paid staff.
>
>  There were lots of examples of pockets of resistance on issues like 
> land, water etc., though people were hesitant to call them social 
> movements. The critique about these efforts was that there is not a 
> lot of coordination among these pockets of resistance. There are a lot 
> of stop gap measures, but not much in the way of social movements 
> developing alternatives. The question was posed at one point, "Do 
> social movements have the intellectual capacity to develop 
> alternatives?"
>
>  It was agreed that more needs to be done to empower grassroots and to 
> network the pockets of resistance. People who came from rural areas 
> spoke about the challenges of contextualizing global macro-economic 
> issues for mothers in a village.
>
>  Social movements identified by the group included:
>
>  *  Youth movements
>
>  *  Anti-corporate globalization/anti-privatization (identified as 
> having been fueled especially by the World Summit on Sustainable 
> Development)
>
>  *  Democracy and Governance
>
>  *  Jubilee/Debt
>
>  *  Land Rights
>
>  *  Movement fighting AIDS (and for access to health)
>
>  *  Environmental movement
>
>
>  Social Movements Beyond the Workshop
>
>  Despite the variety of definitions and understanding of the terms 
> "social movements", I often got very similar answers to the questions, 
> and some issues, groups of people and organizations rose to the top of 
> the list in each discussion. Which issue, group or organization was 
> the first to be mentioned varied on the nationality and issue focus of 
> the person being questioned, but most respondents would end up listing 
> all of the movements highlighted below. For purposes of simplicity, 
> the movements are listed first by issue, then by organizations that 
> are taking leadership and finally with an analysis of the groups of 
> people most involved in social movements.
>
>
>  Continent-Wide Movements
>
>  It is important to note that for most civil society involved in 
> social movements, the connections across issues are clearly 
> identified. Many organizations and individuals are involved in more 
> than one social movement and carry the broader analysis to each. A 
> couple of people argued that there was really one dominant 
> continent-wide movement that addresses economic justice and 
> democracy/transparency and embraces a broad range of demands, for 
> example, access to services and HIV/AIDS treatment. This was not a 
> universal analysis among respondents.
>
>
>  Anti-Corporate Globalization/ Economic Justice Movement
>
>  One of the most visible of the continent-wide movements is the 
> economic justice movement, which is often referred to as the 
> "Anti-Corporate Globalization" movement and in some countries as the 
> "Anti-Capitalist" movement. This is seen clearly at the African Social 
> Forum, which gives more time to these issues than any other theme.
>
>  Some of the strongest organizations that have representatives 
> continent-wide are the Jubilee Campaigns and Debt and Development 
> groups like AFRODAD, which work primarily on debt cancellation, trade 
> and foreign aid but are engaged with the interconnected issues of 
> access to services. There are also a series of anti-privatization 
> organizations and campaigns that take strong leadership in this social 
> movement. Political organizations or think tanks, many of them 
> anti-capitalist in orientation also engage vibrantly in this social 
> movement. Trade unions and other forms of organized labor also engage 
> with this movement at varying levels, and there is often articulated a 
> need for greater cooperation between organized labor and organizations 
> and individuals working for broader economic justice issues.
>
>  The movement varies in its approaches to official bodies like the 
> IMF/World Bank/WTO or governmental bodies like the African Union. Some 
> are willing to engage these officials more than others. This level of 
> willingness to engage varies by region, with the Southern Africans, 
> especially the South Africans, with a strong non-engagement policy. 
> West Africans seem to have the most organizations willing to engage 
> with the African Union in some way, and willingness to consider 
> varying approaches to the International Financial Institutions. 
> Engagement, however, seems to be one of the most contentious issues 
> within the movement.
>
>   
>  Democracy/Transparency
>
>  There is a continuing emphasis on greater democracy and transparency. 
> In some regions this is a stand-alone social movement and in other 
> regions it seems to be integrated into the economic justice movement. 
> In many cases democracy and transparency are focused around human 
> rights. This movement has a greater involvement of journalists who 
> advocate for greater freedom of the press. While some in this movement 
> would argue that foreign relations with African governments should be 
> conditioned on African governments work towards greater democracy and 
> transparency, most believe that democracy, transparency and 
> accountability will only come from movements within African countries.
>
>
>  HIV/AIDS
>   
>  The HIV/AIDS crisis has naturally become a focal point for social 
> movements on issues as well as for social movements made up of groups 
> of people. In some regions, the HIV/AIDS crisis is being addressed 
> within the economic justice movement and in other regions it is a part 
> of the women’s movement. In some cases it seems to be standing alone 
> as its own social movement. The movement to fight HIV/AIDS is 
> populated predominantly by women, but the leadership both in terms of 
> organizations and figureheads seems to be primarily male. The movement 
> involves a diversity of players that range from health care and/or 
> home based care providers, people living with HIV/AIDS, educators, 
> professionals, the gay, lesbian and bi-sexual communities, trade 
> unions and some faith based communities. Organizations that seem to be 
> taking a lead are NAP+, NAPWA and PATAM.
>
>   
>  Women
>
>  African women’s movements continue to grow across the continent and 
> seem to vary in strength and interconnection with other movements 
> based on region and country. There is a growing push to connect the 
> work on HIV/AIDS with the work for women’s rights. Not only does AIDS 
> have an African woman’s face, but violence against women, women’s 
> access to education, land rights and employment all have a direct 
> relationship to the pandemic. FEMNET is a prominent continent-wide 
> organization.
>
>   
>  Youth
>
>  There has been a lot of excitement and interest in the youth 
> movement, which seems to be emerging more strongly in recent years. 
> School fees, access to education, HIV/AIDS and debt seem to be high on 
> the agenda for youth movements in different nations. There was a Youth 
> Forum at the African Social Forum and there is the hope that there 
> will be a strong African youth presence at the World Social Forum this 
> year and in years to come.
>
>   
>  National Movements
>
>  Most respondents to the question, "What are the emerging social 
> movements in Africa?" immediately acknowledged that South Africa was 
> the leader in the social movements department. The fact that some of 
> the movements in South Africa exist continent-wide was often an 
> afterthought, and many were not sure exactly how successful or broad 
> these movements were in other countries.
>
>   
>  South Africa
>
>  There were two primary issue focused movements that were repeatedly 
> addressed in the formal program of the African Social Forum and were 
> often the first to be mentioned by respondents to the question on 
> emerging social movements. The first is the Anti-Corporate 
> Globalization Movement, which is sometimes interchangeably referred to 
> as the Anti-Capitalist movement. This movement focuses most on issues 
> of privatization and debt and the two leading organizations are the 
> Anti-Privatization Forum and Jubilee South Africa, which brings 
> together a coalition of groups and churches working for debt 
> cancellation and reparations for apartheid debt. The 
> Anti-Privatization Forum has a strong grassroots base that is made up 
> of people in impoverished areas who are losing access to essential 
> services. The Jubilee South Africa is more of a coalition of 
> organizations and churches and it is less clear how much they have 
> mobilized a grassroots network.
>
>  The second primary movement is on the HIV/AIDS crisis. In this case, 
> the organization that is most often mentioned is the Treatment Action 
> Campaign (TAC), though the movement is much broader and includes 
> NAPWA, support groups, networks of home-based care groups etc. While 
> TAC initially was a very popular movement filled with groups of people 
> directly impacted by the AIDS crisis, as it has grown and received 
> greater international attention and financing, it has developed into 
> more of an organization. TAC in South Africa helped spur the creation 
> of PATAM (Pan African Treatment Access Movement), which is attempting 
> to engage those working on the HIV/AIDS crisis continent-wide.
>
>  In addition to these primary movements, there are many other 
> organizations and campaigns that are interconnected including:
>
>   
>
>  ·         The Anti-Eviction Campaign (AEC), Western Cape
>
>  ·         The Concerned Citizens' Forum (CCF), Greater Durban
>
>  ·         The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU)
>
>  ·         Environmental groups
>
>  ·         Gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intergender (GLBTI) 
> groups
>
>  ·         The Homeless People's Federation (HPF)
>
>  ·         The Landless People's Movement (LPM)
>
>  ·         The Mapogo-A-Mathamaga vigilante organization
>
>  ·         Refugee groups
>
>  ·         The Self-Employed Women's Union (SEWU)
>
>  ·         The Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee (SECC)
>
>  ·         The South African National Civics Organization (SANCO)
>
>      * The women's movement
>
>   
>
>  Zambia
>
>  In Zambia, there seems to be one large movement for democracy, good 
> governance, economic justice and access to health and human services 
> that have many head organizations and communities. The most visible 
> seems to be the Jubilee movement for debt cancellation that is run out 
> of the Jesuit Center for Debt and Development. Complete with 
> organizers across the country, this is a movement that has both 
> organizational leadership and grassroots engagement. They connect the 
> issue of debt to broader issues of globalization and access to 
> services including health and particularly the HIV/AIDS crisis. They 
> also are very involved in issues of democracy, transparency, and human 
> rights. All of these wing issues also have many organizations and 
> groups of people that are working for change, which lead the observer 
> to wonder if these are separate but connected movements or one large 
> social movement. While not as integrated with the rest, there also 
> seems to be a strong women’s movement in Zambia. They were less 
> visible at the African Social Forum, though Women for Change hosted 
> the forum.
>
>
>  Zimbabwe
>
>  Like in Zambia, there seems to be a strong cohesion among 
> organizations and groups of people who are working towards democracy 
> and economic justice with an emphasis on debt and access to health 
> (focusing on the AIDS crisis.) In the case of Zimbabwe this seems to 
> be largely out of necessity, in light of the political climate.
>
>  The other social movement that has been strong in Zimbabwe, but less 
> connected to the first, is the Land Movement. This movement was not 
> well represented at the African Social Forum, but was mentioned by 
> many as an example of a strong movement.
>
>   
>  Meeting with AIDS Activists from Zimbabwe
>
>  Some of the biggest challenges AIDS activists face is the stringent 
> control of drugs which becomes even tighter when the drugs are 
> generics. This is limiting the amount and type of drugs which can get 
> into the country in the first places. It also means that it takes 
> years for companies to get approval to try to produce ARVs themselves. 
> They are looking for people/organizations that can purchase drugs from 
> overseas and get them directly to the providers in Zimbabwe.
>
>  They really liked Africa Action’s idea of focusing a treatment access 
> campaign on pharmaceuticals. Their pick on the pharmaceutical to 
> target was GlaxoSmithKline. They asked if we could also challenge 
> USAID, and specifically JSI (John Snow, Inc. which gets USAID 
> funding).
>
>  They are really angry about PEPFAR. They are frustrated that so few 
> countries are even eligible. Those that are eligible are not 
> necessarily the same countries that have the best infrastructure to 
> get out the drugs, and the people with the most in-country expertise 
> are, of course, not in control of the process.
>
>   
>  Kenya Trip
>
>  The movements around democracy and human rights have been strong in 
> Kenya historically. They remain very active as the Kibaki 
> administration enjoys its first term. There is an emerging land 
> movement that is often associated with the organization Kenyan Land 
> Alliance. There are also emerging actions and organizing in the slum 
> areas, especially those around Nairobi, where the residents are 
> starting to become more engaged on poverty issues including access to 
> water, health, education and housing.
>
>  Farmers and fisher people have become more active and engaged on 
> issues of subsidies and international trade agreements. While they are 
> not yet working across sectors, there is hope that this will emerge as 
> a very strong movement addressing Economic Partnership Agreements and 
> other Free Trade Agreements.
>
>  Kenya has an environmental movement and a debt movement, but there 
> was some debate among respondents as to the success of these 
> movements. Some argued that they are growing - the Greenbelt Movement 
> for sustainable development that has a strong environmental component, 
> for example, has just gotten a boost as Wangari Maathai won the Nobel 
> Peace Prize. Others fear that they are fizzling and have not been able 
> to make much progress.
>
>   
>  KENWA (Kenyan Network of Women with AIDS/HIV) – Asunta Wagura
>
>   
>  KENWA targets the poorest of the poor. KENWA has 3100 members, 23 of 
> them are men, 1400 are kids and the rest are women. They provide care 
> and support including clinics, feeding programs, income-generating 
> programs, counseling, reading programs for orphans, home-based care 
> and treatment. They have 150 people on ARVs and 1200 that need them 
> desperately.
>
>  KENWA sees 600 patients a day who are bed-ridden and need food 
> support. They help 700 orphans a year. Unfortunately, often people 
> come to KENWA when they are already too far along in the disease. They 
> lose on average 3-4 people a week, and most of these are people who 
> have come to them when it is too late.
>
>  KENWA is also engaged in advocacy, both in terms of building public 
> awareness and engaging public policy. They focus their lobbying 
> efforts on issues of human rights (especially women’s rights), 
> treatment access, stigma, reproductive rights, access to credit, 
> insurance and mortgages.
>
>  KENWA has a weekly news article in the weekend edition of the primary 
> newspapers on education about the HIV/AIDS crisis and what you need to 
> do to protect yourself and others.
>
>  The biggest challenges Asunta sees are access to water, raising 
> enough money to cover the school fees for the orphans and children of 
> the women who are no longer able to generate an income for themselves, 
> and food security. KENWA struggles raising enough money to keep 
> operating at the level of the need. For example, Asunta has 110 staff 
> and 200 volunteers, but she only has funding this year for 38 staff.
>
>  KENWA is able to access some generics. It costs $100 for tests and 
> the procedures. They get the generics from an Indian drug company. She 
> said that the Global Fund money is the most popular because it is 
> comprehensive and they work with the ideas of the people who are 
> working on the ground. She advocates that all government spending on 
> HIV/AIDS should go through the Global Fund. She commented that the 
> children know about the Global Fund, not USAID or the UN.
>
>  KENWA has found PEPFAR "impenetrable". She knows of a Coptic hospital 
> that gets PEPFAR money, but it costs $180 for the drugs - which makes 
> it inaccessible to the KENWA members.
>
>   
>
>  "We work, we bury, we work, we bury."
>
>   Asunta Wagura on the reality of working on AIDS in Kenya.
>
>   
>
>  Action Aid Kenya
>
>  I had an informal meeting with Njeri Mwangi of Action Aid in Kenya. 
> They had a recent meeting on focusing more directly on IMF/World Bank 
> policies that fuel the HIV/AIDS crisis - including user fees, budget 
> caps due to inflation targets etc. She is somewhat involved in the 
> "Mutapola Project" that had been presented in Lusaka - but that is 
> more of an Action Aid International initiative.
>
>  Njeri is pretty discouraged about the financial drain towards the 
> MDGs - she would like to see the tremendous amount of money that is 
> going into gathering people to support the MDGs to go to the ongoing 
> work on economic justice issues. She cited the fact that several key 
> activists could not raise enough money to support their work and thus 
> have agreed to work on MDGs in order to have access to desperately 
> needed funding.
>
>  We spent a lot of time chatting about the African Social Forum itself 
> and the challenges that the forum is facing. She is invested in this 
> because she is a part of the group of people who have been advocating 
> that the World Social Forum in 2007 be held in East Africa. The 
> assumption is that, if this is approved, it would be in Kenya.
>
>  EcoNews
>
>  I had a lunch with Karen Gregow of EcoNews. EcoNews prioritizes trade 
> issues, since KENDREN is located in the same office space and is 
> working on debt. EcoNews has been especially focused on Economic 
> Partnership Agreements and launched a campaign on this topic. They are 
> interested in learning more about SACU/FTA but have not had the time 
> or the resources to get into the details.
>
>  Karen also cited tight resources as their biggest challenged and 
> connected that to some of the North/South tensions on international 
> coalition building on trade issues. There simply are fewer staff 
> trying to fight on a larger number of issues in Kenyan organizations. 
> Larger international organizations are able to pump out materials 
> quickly with their larger staff focused only on trade, and then are 
> impatient with the slower time-frame of Kenyans working on trade. 
> Karen was frustrated with this in terms of where the analysis and 
> framing on economic issues for progressives is coming from. She would 
> like to see Africans providing the bulk of this analysis instead of it 
> coming from the North.
>
>  On social movements, she sees African social movements to be 
> fragmented. She sees the strongest of the social movements to be in 
> South Africa with the anti-privatization movement and TAC. She also 
> has been impressed on the regional level with economic justice, AIDS 
> and democracy movements. In Kenya, she thinks that the democracy and 
> human rights movements are the strongest.
>
>   
>  SEATINI (Southern and Eastern African Trade Information and 
> Negotiations Institute)
>
>  Oduor Ong’wen and I had a good and productive conversation about 
> social movements in Kenya and across the continent that influenced my 
> summary above.  We spent most of our time talking about trade. 
> SEATINI’s priorities are, first, to work on Economic Partnership 
> Agreements, moving now from analysis to campaigning. He is looking 
> forward to engaging with the fisher people, sugar farmers etc. and is 
> hopeful that having a target like the EPAs might help to bring some of 
> these communities together in common action.
>
>  The next priority is the Hong Kong ministerial conference. He is 
> hoping that they will build momentum post Cancun etc. After the 
> conference he hopes to turn his energy to the Southern African Custom 
> Union (SACU) in recognition that SACU is just the beginning for 
> Africans – and Kenya will likely see a similar agreement if SACU is 
> successful.
>
>   
>
>  Conclusion
>
>  It was very helpful to reconnect with people Africa Action has been 
> in relationship with and to re-affirm that Africa Action is interested 
> in continuing our work with their organizations. I was also able to 
> meet several new people who I hope will become key contacts for Africa 
> Action in the future.
>
>  The most exciting elements of the Forum were the few times when I was 
> able to sit down to consult with colleagues on our campaign priorities 
> and hear their interest and vision. I would have liked to have more of 
> the conversations. People loved the Africa’s Right to Health language 
> in our general brochure and the Global Apartheid poster and at one 
> point I was asked to speak to a workshop about how we frame the issues 
> of debt, treatment access etc. in the Africa’s Right to Health 
> framework.
>
>  In discussing our work on HIV/AIDS there was a desire for us to work 
> for greater funding for the Global Fund, there was a need for more 
> information about PEPFAR, and the most excitement was around targeting 
> pharmaceuticals in a treatment access campaign.
>
>  On debt, the discussion focused more on messages and framing than on 
> mobilizing campaigns, but the desire was there for continuing to push 
> for recognition of the illegitimate nature of the debt, for 100% 
> unconditional cancellation for all countries in the Global South. 
> There are some who are interested in the Fair and Transparent 
> Arbitration Process and the Apartheid suit in the U.S. Africa Action 
> might reflect on what sort of supportive role we can take as our 
> partners work to convince their leadership to repudiate the debts.
>
>  While it has not been identified as one of our primary campaigns, 
> there was a lot of interest in Economic Partnership Agreements and 
> many people wanted to know if I had any intelligence or analysis on 
> the SACU-FTA agreement. Also, aside from our campaign priorities, 
> there was a lot of debate about the Millennium Development Goals and a 
> continuing debate on the appropriate level of engagement between civil 
> society and the African Union.
>
>  There are clear places of convergence in our work on HIV/AIDS and 
> debt as a part of our Africa’s Right to Health framework. I did not 
> find as much convergence on the work on Sudan. Almost all of the 
> discussion on conflict was focused on conflict mediation, not on 
> questions of sources of conflict or debates on what forms of 
> intervention are necessary in crises like the current genocide in 
> Darfur.
>
>   
>
>  Strengthening Social Movements in Africa
>
>  In almost every conversation about social movements, the point was 
> made that social movements are often weak and fragmented and those who 
> seek change would like to see a greater investment in growing and 
> strengthening African social movements - especially those that are 
> regional or continent-wide. The two primary needs identified were more 
> resources and the need for greater communication and coordination.
>
>  Many also expressed the frustration that outside funding, from large 
> international organizations, Northern governments and even 
> International Financial Institutions can distract and detract from 
> movement building. One example often cited is the funding for 
> organizations working on debt to participate in the Poverty Reduction 
> Strategy Paper process which took energy away from the campaigning for 
> 100% debt cancellation and caused debate and division among Jubilee 
> groups across the continent. Another example is the current influx of 
> funding for organizations to focus on the Millennium Development Goals 
> that has forced groups to put other projects and priorities on hold 
> while human resources go towards producing campaigns, analysis and 
> programs around the MDGs. The common request was for there to be 
> greater resources mobilized for social movements without Northern 
> agendas attached.
>
>  To learn more about African social movements, the Centre For Civil 
> Society in South Africa is producing some of the most comprehensive 
> analysis of social movements for Civil Society. Most of their papers 
> can be found on-line at: www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs
> -- 
>
> Africa Action
> 1634 Eye Street NW, #810
> Washington, DC 20006
> Tel: 202-546 7961 * http://www.africaaction.org
>


Al Kagan
African Studies Bibliographer and Professor of Library Administration
University of Illinois Library
1408 W. Gregory Drive
Urbana, IL 61801

tel. 217-333-6519
fax 217-333-2214
akagan at uiuc.edu
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