[Peace-discuss] They could end the war, but they won't
C. G. Estabrook
galliher at uiuc.edu
Sat Jan 6 21:40:02 CST 2007
[Here's how the Democrats, in control of both houses of Congress, could
end the war even though they lack a veto-proof majority. But since they
are well to the right of the US populace and in thrall to the elite
interests that dictate the "bipartisan" US foreign policy -- notably the
insistence on control of Mideast energy resources -- they will do
nothing that will substantially interfere with the war, however much
they carp at Bush et al. --CGE]
From the Baltimore Sun
A way out of Iraq that sidesteps Bush
By Roscoe C. Born
January 4, 2007
A new year, a new Congress, a new milestone as U.S. deaths exceed 3,000:
This is a decisive moment in the urgent matter of the chaos and carnage
in Iraq. With the report of the Iraq Study Group completed (and
seemingly shelved), and with President Bush closeted with his war
advisers, the question raised in conversation, on television news and in
the press is: What will Mr. Bush decide?
A Newsweek cover, for example, asks, "Will Bush Listen?" An op-ed by
David Ignatius in The Washington Post ends with these words: "The man
under the spotlight knows he will have to make this decision alone." The
unexamined premise is that America's next course of action in Iraq
depends entirely on the final judgment of one man, George W. Bush.
But the nation's next step is not the president's alone to decide. The
more important question is: What will Congress decide? There is a way
for Congress to swiftly stanch the flow of American blood in Iraq
without a bitter, partisan debate over the causes or conduct of the war.
Although President Bush might have invaded Iraq even without
congressional approval, he did seek and get that authority in "The Joint
Resolution to Authorize the Use of United States Armed Forces Against
Iraq," passed by Congress in October 2002 and still in effect. That
document presented 23 declarations of "fact," stated in "whereas"
clauses, that, in the president's view, warranted his use of our
military to invade Iraq. Congress agreed and authorized this war.
Now, regardless of whether those statements were at that time false or
misleading, and putting aside any confrontations about the blame for the
war, the fundamental "whereas" clauses that were the basis for war are
now clearly wrong or no longer applicable. A few examples:
• "Whereas Iraq both poses a continuing threat to the national security
of the United States and international peace and security in the Persian
Gulf region and remains in material and unacceptable breach of its
international obligations by, among other things, continuing to possess
and develop a significant chemical and biological weapons capability,
actively seeking a nuclear capability, and supporting and harboring
terrorist organizations."
That declaration, as we now know, was not true in 2002 and is not true
today. Even if it had been true, the Iraqi regime that allegedly
committed those offenses no longer exists. Today's Iraqi government
poses no military threat to any other nation.
• "Whereas the current Iraq regime has demonstrated its capability and
willingness to use weapons of mass destruction against other nations and
its own people."
The "current Iraq regime" referred to did use chemical weapons against
its enemies and its own citizens. But the leader of that regime has been
captured and hanged. Again, Iraq today poses no military threat to anyone.
• "Whereas the Iraq Liberation Act (Public Law No. 105-338) expressed
the sense of Congress that it should be the policy of the United States
to support efforts to remove from power the current Iraqi regime and
promote the emergence of a democratic government to replace that regime."
The United States has invaded Iraq and removed "the current Iraqi
regime" from power and has promoted a series of efforts to create a
democratic Iraqi government - all declared by President Bush to be
successful.
Whatever motives led the president to ask, and Congress to grant,
authority to use the U.S. military to invade Iraq, the justifications
stated in whereas after whereas are not true today. Yet they remain on
the books, still the official position of Congress.
So the vital decision is not President Bush's alone, and Congress should
not wait to proceed on its own. Congress is morally obligated - now - to
review its outdated joint resolution authorizing force against Iraq, and
to undertake a new joint resolution declaring, in essence, "Whereas the
purposes of the original authorization have been served; whereas the
stated reasons justifying the authorization no longer exist; whereas the
objectionable Iraqi regime has been removed and the new Iraqi regime
poses no military threat to its neighbors or the United States; that,
therefore, U.S. military forces are no longer authorized to remain in Iraq."
Far-fetched? Not in the least. Congress used this very procedure in 1993
to withdraw U.S. troops from Somalia.
Their orderly departure should begin as promptly as the military
protocols for force protection will allow and be completed within six
months of the passage of a new joint resolution.
It is important to note that this approach bypasses, for now, a divisive
debate about Mr. Bush's war policies. If Congress wishes to examine the
causes of this war, that is a separate matter that should not interfere
with a rational review of a joint resolution that is obsolete.
Roscoe C. Born, a Sykesville resident, was Washington editor of Barron's
magazine and a reporter in The Wall Street Journal's Washington bureau.
His e-mail is roscobornj at aol.com.
http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/opinion/oped/bal-op.congress04jan04,0,434924.story?coll=bal-iraq-headlines
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