[Peace-discuss] The Kennedys' fake liberalism...
[reformatted]
John W.
jbw292002 at gmail.com
Fri Feb 1 19:25:24 CST 2008
I think anyone who diligently reads this mailing list should get university
credit. :-)
At 12:20 PM 2/1/2008, C. G. Estabrook wrote:
>[David's usual careful reading leads him to remind us, in the particular
>case of Richard Hofstadter, of the complexities of US political history
>and ideology. It's not a matter of good Kennedy liberals perennially
>facing nasty Nixonian conservatives. Here Jon Weiner -- professor of
>history at the University of California, Irvine, and a Los Angeles radio
>host who wrote "Historians in Trouble: Plagiarism, Fraud, and Politics in
>the Ivory Tower" -- reviews David S. Brown, "Richard Hofstadter: An
>Intellectual Biography" (U. of Chicago Press, 2006), and indicates some of
>the complexities on display in the case of one 20th century American
>public intellectual. (And note the reference to Hedges.) I think Weiner is
>perhaps too generous in his interpretation of those complexities in his
>conclusion, where he praises "the spirit of [Hofstadter's] writing" and
>"the lucidity and beauty of his prose" as what "gives his work an enduring
>vitality": the rest is silence. --CGE]
>
> America, Through a Glass Darkly
> by JON WIENER
> [from the October 23, 2006 issue]
>
>David Brown's biography of Richard Hofstadter has attracted an unusual
>amount of attention for a revised dissertation, riding the wave of
>nostalgia that surrounds the Pulitzer Prize-winning historian and liberal
>icon of the 1950s and '60s. At the New York Times Book Review, the book
>was the subject of the longest review of the year, and one of the most
>admiring, written by the editor himself, Sam Tanenhaus, who declared
>Hofstadter "more relevant than ever." The New Republic ran an even longer
>piece by Bancroft Prize winner Sean Wilentz about Hofstadter's "enormous
>mystique today." That mystique reflects a deeper nostalgia for a time when
>historians who addressed the political issues of the day (among them
>Hofstadter, Arthur Schlesinger Jr. and C. Vann Woodward) had immense
>intellectual authority and a wide readership, a time when essays written
>with style and grace were honored and a time when writing about great
>white men did not make you look obsolete or reactionary.
>
>The Hofstadter nostalgia boom is also fueled by readers who find in his
>work a foreshadowing of their own anxiety about the irrationality of
>populist movements. His feeling that populism posed a danger to democracy
>seems to liberals and conservatives alike to speak to our own time--as
>indeed in many ways it does. Many writers seeking to understand the 2004
>"red state" phenomenon turned to Hofstadter's essays on "status anxiety"
>and "the paranoid style in American politics"--especially after George W.
>Bush mobilized his supporters with a good-old-boy rhetoric that was
>proudly stupid.
>
>There's no question that Hofstadter's writing was wonderful. But his
>understanding of the American past now seems narrow and flawed, and
>marked, inevitably, by the preoccupations of a generation that lived
>through Hitler and Stalin, by a gnawing anxiety that some kind of American
>fascism, a vicious right-wing movement coming out of the heartland, was
>not only possible but likely. (Such anxiety has not, to be sure, entirely
>dissipated among American liberals; early next year journalist Chris
>Hedges is publishing a book, American Fascists, about the Christian right.)
>
>Hofstadter died in 1970, just as a new generation of historians was
>transforming the profession by turning away from the study of elites.
>Inspired by British historians of the working class like E.P. Thompson,
>and by American New Left historians like Herbert Gutman, they began
>exploring, and celebrating, how history was made by ordinary Americans: by
>working-class immigrants in the tenements, the taverns and the factories,
>and by African-Americans and other oppressed groups. This "history from
>below" represented a defiant challenge to Hofstadter's kind of history.
>
>But if Hofstadter seems newly relevant today, it's not for the reasons
>imagined by Tanenhaus and others. Despite his fame and success, he was
>always more of an outsider than his establishment admirers have
>understood. He disdained the 1950s celebration of consensus; he was deeply
>skeptical of the liberal heroes, especially FDR; he was never much of an
>anti-Communist; and when the student antiwar movement excoriated the
>hypocrisies and failures of the universities, Hofstadter, virtually alone
>among his entire cohort, refused to condemn the students and agreed with
>them on some key issues, even as he rejected their militant tactics. Thus
>while Hofstadter was in some ways a predictable member of his generation,
>in others he was politically more complicated and intellectually more
>surprising. It is these elements, rather than his particular arguments,
>that make him significant for us today.
>
>Hofstadter was born in Buffalo in 1916 and came of age in the era of the
>Popular Front. He went to college at the University of Buffalo and became
>president of his university's chapter of the National Student League, a
>Communist-led antiwar organization that, according to a government report
>quoted by Brown, "attempted physical disruption of campus activities which
>led to arrest, suspensions and expulsions of its members" (foreshadowing
>his students at Columbia in '68). In his early twenties, he went to
>Mississippi with his passionate left-wing wife, Felice Swados, and visited
>black sharecroppers at Delta Cooperative, the subject of a famous series
>of photographs by Dorothea Lange for the Farm Security Administration. His
>1938 master's thesis at Columbia was a fierce indictment of the New Deal's
>Agricultural Adjustment Act for supporting Southern planters rather than
>poor farmers.
>
>The Spanish Civil War was raging during his graduate school days, and in
>October 1938 he responded, as many of his peers did, by joining the
>Communist Party--in his case, the CP unit at Columbia. "My fundamental
>reason for joining," he wrote his brother-in-law, "is that I don't like
>capitalism and want to get rid of it.... I join without enthusiasm but
>with a sense of obligation." (Brown does not quote the letter, which Eric
>Foner cites in a chapter on Hofstadter in his book Who Owns History?) Four
>months later, in February 1939, he quit the party. His reason, according
>to fellow student Kenneth Stampp (who later achieved renown with his
>history of slavery, The Peculiar Institution): "He couldn't stand the
>people." But even after that, in October 1939, he wrote his brother-in-law
>(in another letter not quoted by Brown): "I hate capitalism and everything
>that goes with it." In 1941 he got his first full-time job, directly as a
>result of anti-Communism: He replaced a faculty member forced out by City
>College because of alleged Communist Party ties: Jack Foner, father of
>Eric. (Eric would later fill the same chair at Columbia that Hofstadter
>had held. You might call that the irony of history.) Three years later
>Hofstadter published his first book, a blistering exposé of capitalist
>ideology, Social Darwinism in American Thought.
>
>The turning point for Hofstadter was 1945: That year Felice died of
>cancer, depriving him of the most important leftist connection in his
>life, and Columbia hired him. He was 30 years old. The transformation from
>1930s radical activist to 1950s liberal intellectual was under way.
>
>The American Political Tradition, published in 1948 and widely regarded as
>Hofstadter's best book, is still selling briskly almost sixty years later:
>Recently it had an Amazon ranking of 4,400, which would be envied by most
>historians with books on the market today. (Brown's, for example, was at
>22,000 on the same day.) Knopf's 1948 publicity marketed the book as a
>work of consensus history: "In this age of political extremism, this young
>and brilliant Columbia historian searches out the common ground among all
>American parties and factions." In fact the book was more subtle, and much
>more interesting, than that. Hofstadter wrote the book from a vantage
>point on the left. While others, like Daniel Boorstin, celebrated
>consensus, Hofstadter was openly critical. It opens with a description of
>an "increasingly passive and spectatorial" state of mind in postwar
>America, a country dominated by "corporate monopoly," its citizens "bereft
>of a coherent and plausible body of belief" and adrift in a "rudderless
>and demoralized state."
>
>The book consists of twelve biographical portraits of key American
>political figures, ranging from the slaveholder John Calhoun to the
>abolitionist Wendell Phillips, from the free-market Republican Herbert
>Hoover to the welfare-state Democrat FDR, from Jefferson the patrician to
>Andrew Jackson the common man. Hofstadter's thesis was that all shared
>fundamental assumptions about the goodness of private property and the
>value of "progress." The archaic assumptions of The American Political
>Tradition are all too evident today. Hofstadter believed he was studying
>something called "the American mind" when he profiled American Presidents,
>and that their stories and those of other elite white men were
>representative of our political tradition. But while presidential
>biography may be of limited value--to the study, albeit not the marketing,
>of American history--several of Hofstadter's essays in The American
>Political Tradition remain compelling works of the genre that have seldom
>been surpassed.
>
>The contrast with recent presidential biographies, like David McCullough's
>hagiographic book on Truman, could hardly be more stark. Hofstadter's gaze
>was intensely skeptical, especially when it was trained on the liberal
>icon of his own time, FDR: Hofstadter's chapter on him is titled "the
>patrician as opportunist." He objected to the portrait of Lincoln as a
>Christ-like figure who died for the sin of slavery, depicting him instead
>as the master of his own myth and as a canny politician, especially on the
>question of abolition. The Wendell Phillips chapter remains a
>revelation--even today, when the left famously dominates academia, who
>would have the chutzpah to put this abolitionist and socialist on the same
>plane as Jefferson, Lincoln and FDR? Here we see most clearly the traces
>of the radical sensibility of Hofstadter's youth. The essay is unique in
>its frank admiration for a voice of "resistance and rebellion," a champion
>of the oppressed whose refusal to compromise "forced him into a deeper and
>deeper isolation" as Reconstruction gave way to the Gilded Age. The
>chapter ends with an elderly Phillips invited to speak at Harvard, and
>taking the occasion not to heal the breach with his mainstream critics but
>rather to indict the assembled scholars for their moral cowardice.
>Hofstadter's admiration for this stance is unmistakable.
>
>The American consensus that Hofstadter bemoaned in The American Political
>Tradition was turning more aggressive and suspicious the year the book was
>published, as redbaiting spread across America. Hofstadter refused an
>invitation to teach at Berkeley in 1950 because he opposed the loyalty
>oath imposed by the University of California Regents, but he also refused
>to condemn the firing of Communists at the University of Washington in
>1949. His position was the mainstream liberal one: Communists opposed
>freedom, so they should be denied teaching jobs. This is problematic for
>his biographer, because Hofstadter himself had joined the Party as a
>student, and other people who had done the same, like Daniel Boorstin,
>were being subpoenaed, asked to name names and fired if they refused
>(Boorstin named his Harvard college roommates). The late James Shenton, a
>colleague of Hofstadter's at Columbia, told Brown that Hofstadter did not
>take a stand against firing Communists because "Dick was afraid at the
>time." It's still a mystery why Hofstadter was never subpoenaed--Brown
>sheds no light on that crucial question, although others speculate that
>the FBI may have missed him because he had been a Party member for all of
>four months.
>
>McCarthyism loomed large in the background of Hofstadter's next book, The
>Age of Reform, published in 1955. There, Hofstadter searched the past for
>the roots of the "conspiracy theory" and "paranoid tendencies" that he saw
>in popular anti-Communism. The book won Hofstadter his first Pulitzer and
>remains, in Alan Brinkley's words, "the most influential book ever
>published on the history of twentieth-century America." The book's most
>enduring contribution, Sean Wilentz rightly argues, is its
>re-interpretation of the New Deal, not as part of the nineteenth-century
>reform tradition in America, as most historians saw it, but rather as an
>"outrageous departure" from it. The old reformers ended up with
>prohibition as their great achievement; the New Deal, by contrast, focused
>not on moral campaigns against evil but on pragmatic and practical aims.
>It eschewed ideology and focused on results--and the results included the
>welfare state, the Wagner Act for labor and Keynsian policy for the
>budget. It's still a bracing interpretation.
>
>Hofstadter's argument that the historical roots of McCarthyism lay in the
>Populist tradition, on the other hand, is simply wrong. He argued that the
>Populist movement of the 1890s was deeply irrational and essentially
>proto-fascist. The Populists saw the principal source of injustice and
>economic suffering in rural America in what they called "the money power."
>In Hofstadter's analysis, this was evidence of irrational paranoia, of
>"psychic disturbances." Moreover, Hofstadter argued that these
>denunciations of "the money power" were deeply anti-Semitic. Alas, his
>evidence of Populist anti-Semitism was embarrassingly thin: a handful of
>lurid quotes from a few Populist leaders about the "House of Rothschild"
>and "Shylock," and an argument that Henry Ford's anti-Semitism came from
>his background as "a Michigan farm boy who had been liberally exposed to
>Populist notions."
>
>The problem with this analysis, aside from the paucity of evidence, was
>that anti-Semitic rhetoric was hardly a monopoly of rural Midwestern
>Protestants in post-Civil War America. The Protestant elites in East Coast
>cities were probably more anti-Semitic, and Irish Catholic immigrants in
>Eastern cities had no love for Jews either. The larger problem stemmed
>from Hofstadter's theoretical framework. Today Hofstadter is regarded
>primarily as a great writer with a powerful personal vision. But he was
>engaged with the most advanced social science theory of his day, and he
>pioneered the application of theory to history--the move that many of his
>fans today consider the downfall of the profession. The Age of Reform was
>framed around the theory of "status politics," which came from an essay by
>German sociologist Max Weber, published in the United States by
>Hofstadter's Columbia colleague and friend the radical sociologist C.
>Wright Mills. Hofstadter's "status politics" thesis held that the
>Populists were driven to irrationality and paranoia by anxiety over their
>declining status in an America where rural life and its values were being
>supplanted by an urban industrial society. Populism, in this view, was a
>form of reactionary resistance to modernity. Here Hofstadter was the
>Jewish New York intellectual anxiously looking for traces of proto-fascism
>somewhere in middle America. He saw Joe McCarthy as a potential American
>Hitler and believed he had found the roots of American fascism among rural
>Protestants in the Midwest. It was history by analogy--but the analogy
>didn't work.
>
>None of these problems escaped Hofstadter's critics at the time. In The
>Nation, William Appleman Williams argued that Hofstadter's conception of
>status politics defined opposition to the status quo as fundamentally
>irrational while the irrationalities of liberal capitalism went
>unexamined. In 1967 Michael Rogin published a powerful book, The
>Intellectuals and McCarthy: The Radical Specter, showing that the people
>who voted for McCarthy, by and large, were not former Populists but rather
>upper-middle-class suburban Republicans. And it was not just leftists like
>Williams and Rogin who questioned Hofstadter's "status politics" thesis.
>One of C. Vann Woodward's greatest essays, "The Populist Heritage and the
>Intellectual," insisted that the Populist program of the 1890s was far
>from irrational, that the Populists were not proto-McCarthyites, that many
>McCarthy supporters came from "college-bred, established-wealth, old
>family" sources. But if Hofstadter's argument was challenged effectively
>at the time, his anxiety about an American fascism stayed with him for the
>rest of his life.
>
>Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, the 1963 book that won Hofstadter
>his second Pulitzer Prize, was another attempt to identify the historical
>origins of what Hofstadter saw as the key threat to liberalism in his own
>time. The book enjoyed a revival in the Age of Reagan, and is cited today
>at a rate that seems to be increasing exponentially. But the book seems
>mistaken about the period in which it was published. Anti-intellectualism
>was hardly a major problem in the United States in 1964. American
>intellectuals in the early '60s had never had it so good: Universities
>were growing as never before, Congress provided lavish funding for elite
>institutions and professors like Hofstadter were highly paid and won big
>book contracts. Popular magazines followed the hot debates among
>intellectuals--Daniel Bell on the "end of ideology," David Riesman on "the
>lonely crowd," C. Wright Mills on "the power elite," Irving Howe on "the
>age of conformity," C. Vann Woodward on "the strange career of Jim Crow,"
>Michael Harrington on "the other America." As Russell Jacoby argued in The
>Last Intellectuals, the 1950s were the golden age for liberal thinkers
>like Hofstadter. Yet something about that era was clearly troubling him.
>
>In the book's first chapter, "Anti-Intellectualism in Our Time,"
>Hofstadter explained what was on his mind: the defeat of Adlai Stevenson
>twelve years earlier, in 1952. Hofstadter had been a passionate supporter
>of Stevenson, whom he described in the book as "a politician of uncommon
>mind." Eisenhower's victory was an "apocalypse for intellectuals"--a
>typically striking phrase, but wildly off-base. Stevenson was intelligent
>and articulate, but he was no intellectual. He wasn't even especially
>liberal: He backed away from Truman's call for national healthcare; he
>supported the anti-union Taft-Hartley Act; and he was no friend of black
>people, choosing as his 1952 running mate Alabama Senator John Sparkman, a
>militant segregationist. (Hofstadter should have noticed, because he
>supported the civil rights movement and joined the 1965
>Selma-to-Montgomery march, as Sean Wilentz recently pointed out.) When it
>came to Stevenson, Hofstadter's vaunted skepticism and irony evaporated.
>
>Anti-Intellectualism was another of Hofstadter's anxious searches for the
>roots of American fascism, finding it this time in the evangelical
>Protestants of the nineteenth century and then in the fundamentalists of
>the 1920s. Rereading it today, that search seems misguided: McCarthyism
>was not essentially a movement against intellectuals. True, there were
>loyalty oaths for professors and purges of faculty leftists, but the
>anti-Communists devoted much more energy to purging Hollywood radicals and
>the leftist union activists--a crucial base for New Deal politics. Yes,
>McCarthy targeted Harvard, but he spent more time attacking the State
>Department and then, notoriously, the Army. And Hofstadter's conclusion
>that the McCarthyite anti-intellectualism of the 1950s had its origins in
>the evangelical Protestantism of the nineteenth century was fundamentally
>mistaken. Hofstadter's friend Woodward, after reading the book, wrote to
>him privately, "Dick, you just can't do this."
>
>Four years later, however, some readers of Anti-Intellectualism in
>American Life saw the book in a new light, against the backdrop of the
>1968 student uprising at Hofstadter's Columbia. There, antiwar radicals
>occupied university buildings and denounced "university complicity in the
>war." Liberal intellectuals were horrified by the spectacle of students
>challenging the university, and they went so far as to liken the
>demonstrators to Brownshirts. They were decidedly less alarmed by
>Columbia's repressive response. The administration brought 1,000 cops on
>campus to clear the buildings; 712 students were arrested, 148 injured and
>nearly 400 filed police brutality complaints. Nothing like that had ever
>happened on an American campus, although much worse was to come at Kent
>State and other schools. It's not surprising that Hofstadter agreed to
>speak at the official Columbia commencement later that spring.
>Nevertheless, it's sad to picture him rising to give his speech, while
>forty uniformed policemen stood guard and 300 students walked out in
>protest to join 2,000 other people at an antiwar counter-commencement nearby.
>
>In other ways, however, Hofstadter's response to the student uprising at
>Columbia in 1968 set him apart from the liberal critics who regarded the
>student movement as dangerously anti-intellectual. While his friends in
>Morningside Heights carried on about the students and saw themselves
>manning the barricades against the new barbarians, Hofstadter opened the
>door and invited his students in to talk with him about their goals and
>strategies. Eric Foner, one of those students, recalled that "his graduate
>students, many of whom were actively involved in the civil rights and
>antiwar movements, were having as much influence on his evolving interests
>and outlook as he was on theirs." Indeed, the year after Columbia '68,
>Hofstadter was rethinking his earlier work. He privately conceded that his
>critics had been right about The Age of Reform; in a letter he declared
>that the book's status thesis was (in Brown's paraphrase) "flawed and
>unusable" and that "nativism and anti-Semitism permeated American society
>in the 1890s." In another letter written the same year, he declared that
>his effort in Anti-Intellectualism in American Life to explain the present
>had (in Brown's paraphrase) "clearly missed the mark." Here was another
>surprising and unusual quality: a willingness to reassess his work and
>find its flaws.
>
>The most remarkable of his relationships with students after the '68
>events was with his research assistant, Michael Wallace (who went on to
>win the 1999 Pulitzer Prize for Gotham, a history of New York City). In
>the spring of 1968, in the midst of the demonstrations, Wallace, a PhD
>candidate, had unlocked the door to Fayerweather Hall, the history
>building, so that his fellow student radicals could occupy it. A few
>months later, Hofstadter invited him to collaborate on a documentary
>history on American violence.
>
>Thus the intellectual fruit of the trauma of '68 for Hofstadter was not a
>history of student radicals as Hitler Youth but rather a partnership with
>one of those radical students that produced a powerful exposé of American
>racial and class violence. In Foner's words, Hofstadter and Wallace's
>American Violence: A Documentary History "utterly contradicted the
>consensus vision of a nation placidly evolving without serious
>disagreements." This intellectual turn is the most surprising of all in
>the Hofstadter story. American Violence was the last book Hofstadter
>published before he died in 1970. He was only 54. (An unfinished work,
>America at 1750, was published posthumously in 1971.)
>
>Michael Kazin recently warned against viewing Hofstadter as "an elegant
>ruin from a benighted age." Brown agrees, arguing that we need Hofstadter
>to understand the tormented politics of our time. In this view, Hofstadter
>may have been wrong about yesterday's Populists, but he was right about
>today's Republicans. The rise of George Bush is said to mark the return of
>status politics, because Republican majorities depend on the Evangelical
>Protestant "values voters" of the Midwest and South--former Populist
>areas! Facing economic decline, they blame their problems on the "liberal
>elite" and vote for prayer in schools and guns everywhere else.
>
>That seems like a thin lesson to draw from a thick body of work.
>Hofstadter is worth reading in 2006 not so much because of his specific
>arguments but rather because of the spirit of his writing, which brings
>together anxieties about the dark side of American politics with a
>skeptical attitude toward conventional wisdom. That spirit, along with the
>lucidity and beauty of his prose, gives his work an enduring vitality.
>
>This article can be found on the web at
>http://www.thenation.com/doc/20061023/wiener
>
>
>
>David Green wrote:
>>
>>[4] "People like Lippmann and Hofstadter would be viewed as pinkos in
>>today's media right-wing discourse."
>>I agree with Carl about Lippmann, and the biography written of him by
>>liberal journalist Ronald Steele is a great insight (although unintended)
>>into the cage of liberal doctrine which confined Lippmann and made his
>>later life rather pathetic. But it should be noted, and is very
>>instructive, that this great liberal shaper of American propaganda and
>>public opinion was marginalized for his relatively early opposition (on
>>realist grounds) to the Vietnam war, as was George Kennan, proving that
>>even the most venerated elder statesmen are casually and coldly dispensed
>>with even when they differ only on the tactics that the U.S. should use
>>to rule the world, on who we should kill and when.
>>
>>I'd like to revisit Hofstader in order to feel that any of the following
>>is more than speculation. His Social Darwinism in American Life and The
>>American Political Tradition remain classics, the latter particularly
>>remarkable. I believe some have speculated that Hofstadter, who died in
>>1970, was in the process of becoming a neocon. At the risk of offering an
>>analogy to Kennedyesque wishfulness, I would like to think not. His essay
>>on the "paranoid style" is a classic in its own right, but also
>>misdirected (or perhaps opportunistically directed) liberals into a
>>facile equation between populism and anti-Semitism (also done in The Age
>>of Reform), and over-simplifed the whole problem of "right-wing
>>populism," William Jennings Bryan, etc. This could be seen as going down
>>the slippery slope into neocon land, and was probably exploited by
>>Kristol senior, Podhoretz, et al. in their response to the New Left,
>>criticism of Israel (however tepid in the late 60s), etc.
>>
>>In spite of my admiration for Hofstadter, and my wish not to think of him
>>as becoming a neocon, I can't imagine him ever being anything more or
>>less than a version of Cold War liberal, although one with a lot more
>>integrity than, say, Arthur Schlesinger Jr. It would be intresting to
>>know where Hofstatder stood on Vietnam, and when.
>>
>>DG
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