[Peace-discuss] The Presidential Election Did Not Take Place (comments welcome)

Jenifer Cartwright jencart13 at yahoo.com
Fri Oct 3 11:36:47 CDT 2008


I think Biden's point was that clueless-as-ever Bush PUSHED for the elections w/o having the foresight to realize he wouldn't be happy -- or able to live with -- the election results. Is any part of this a big deal -- or even a surprise -- to you??
 --Jenifer 
 

--- On Fri, 10/3/08, C. G. Estabrook <galliher at uiuc.edu> wrote:

From: C. G. Estabrook <galliher at uiuc.edu>
Subject: Re: [Peace-discuss] The Presidential Election Did Not Take Place (comments welcome)
To: "David Green" <davegreen84 at yahoo.com>
Cc: "Peace Discuss" <peace-discuss at anti-war.net>
Date: Friday, October 3, 2008, 9:59 AM

A point worthy of Chomsky.  I'll borrow it and work it in.  some general 
comments on contempt for democracy might be in order.  Thanks. CGE


David Green wrote:
> Biden was amazingly bold in his anti-democratic rhetoric this evening 
> when he reprimanded Bush for his support of elections in Palestine, 
> which Biden proudly claimed to have correctly predicted would be won by 
> Hamas, and therefore unacceptable. With Arafat dead, there's no Boss 
> Tweed to control the nominations.
>  
> DG
> 
> */"C. G. Estabrook" <galliher at uiuc.edu>/* wrote:
> 
>     "The people can vote for whoever they want.
>     I control the nominations."
>     --Boss Tweed of Tammany Hall, ca. 1870
> 
> 
>     The presidential election campaign was primarily a distraction.
>     There were
>     serious issues presumably at stake, notably the war and the economy,
>     and the
>     campaign not only ignored them but purposely obscured them.
> 
>     The reason's not far to seek. As the late Australian social
>     scientist Alex
>     Carey wrote, "The 20th century was characterized by three
>     developments of great
>     political importance: the growth of democracy, the growth of
>     corporate power,
>     and the growth of corporate propaganda as a means of protecting
>     corporate power
>     against democracy." A trillion dollars spent every year on
marketing
>     in the US
>     -- where political candidates are sold like cars or coffee -- has
>     some effect.
> 
>     The issues were important, and for that very reason could not be
>     submitted to
>     the voters for their consideration. The dirtiest secret of American
>     politics --
>     or at least the most important one -- may not be the government's
>     torture
>     policy, filthy as that is, but rather the contradiction between the
>     interests of
>     the tiny elite of possessors (perhaps less than 1% of the US
>     population) and
>     those of the large majority of the population. But of course it's
>     not *very*
>     secret: as Noam Chomsky points out,
> 
>     "This is a business-run society: you market commodities, you
market
>     candidates. The public are the victims and they know it, and that’s
>     why 80%
>     think, more or less accurately, that the country is run by a few big
>     interests
>     looking after themselves. So people are not deluded, they just don’t
>     really see
>     any choices..."
> 
>     --and, as a result, many ignore the distraction thrown up for them
>     by the
>     advertising/propaganda industry, the "campaign"
(particularly
>     protracted in a
>     year when the two major parties are noticeably promoting unpopular
>     policies on
>     the war and the economy: there's a lot of distraction to be done).
>     About half
>     of the electorate doesn't vote, in part because they think not
>     unreasonably that
>     the outcome of the election will make little difference to them and
>     polices
>     won't change much. Even in the most recent presidential election
>     "landslides"
>     -- 1972 and 1984 -- three out of four of the eligible voters did
>     *not* vote for
>     the winning candidate (Nixon and Reagan, respectively).
> 
>     Most of the media propaganda that passes for politics in the US is
>     directed to
>     what Gore Vidal calls the "chattering classes" -- about a
quarter of
>     the total
>     US population that makes up what some have called the "tertiary
>     bourgeoisie"
>     (cf. "*secondary* school"), i.e., most of those with a
traditional
>     college
>     education. Given that the actual ruling class in America is that 1%
>     (perhaps a
>     million people), that leaves three quarters of the US population
>     generally
>     ignored in the "manufacture of consent" -- and they return
the
>     favor, as they
>     are meant to.
> 
>     It has not escaped the attention of our rulers in general that
>     people who work
>     long hours and are anxious about their circumstances can spend less
>     time finding
>     out how those circumstances are determined, talking to other people
>     about it,
>     and doing something about it -- i.e., practicing democracy. The US
>     anti-war
>     movement of the 1960s arose in part from the greater prosperity and
>     relative
>     economic equality of that decade in comparison with this one.
>     Americans had the
>     leisure to do politics, as the Trilateral Commission described in
>     dismay in "The
>     Crisis of Democracy: On the Governability of Democracies" (1976).
>     The crisis was
>     that there was too much democracy: that had to be stopped, by the
>     counter-policies of neoliberalism. American politics in the last
>     thirty years
>     shows that it was.
> 
>     Of course that 25% of the population who are the especial concern of
>     the
>     propaganda system show the effects as well. It is a surprising fact
>     that,
>     throughout the Vietnam War, support for the US government's
position
>     was
>     directly (not inversely) proportional to years of formal education;
>     that is, in
>     spite of the myth that the anti-war movement of those days was
>     confined to the
>     colleges, in fact the college-educated were more likely to support
>     administration policy than those without a bachelor's degree. The
>     ideological
>     institutions -- the universities and the media -- were doing their
>     job, even
>     though by the end of the 1960s, 70% of Americans came to say that
>     the Vietnam
>     War was "fundamentally wrong and immoral," not "a
mistake,"
>     according to
>     longitudinal studies by the Chicago Council of Foreign Relations.
> 
>     It is quite remarkable that, prescinding from the enthusiasms of the
>     moment
>     (Obama v. McCain et al.), polls show that Americans hold political
>     opinions of a
>     general social-democratic/New Deal sort -- opinions, it need hardly
>     be said,
>     that they do not hear in the media or from Obama, McCain et al. The
>     result is
>     that the two business parties, for all their struggle at
>     product-differentiation, like Coke and Pepsi, support largely
>     similar policies
>     that are generally to the Right of those favored by a majority of the
>     population. Medical care is just the most obvious example, and is
>     has been for
>     decades.
> 
>     In an important article ("If Obama Loses," August 18, 2008),
Paul
>     Street writes
>     about "Thomas Frank's widely mentioned but commonly
misunderstood
>     book on why so
>     many white working class Americans vote for regressive Republicans
>     instead of
>     following their supposed natural 'pocketbook' interests by
backing
>     Democrats.
>     Released just before Bush defeated Kerry with no small help from
>     working class
>     whites, Frank's 'What's the Matter With Kansas? How
Conservatives
>     Won the Heart
>     of America' (New York: 2004) has generally been taken to have
argued
>     that the
>     GOP distracts stupid 'heartland' (white working-class) voters
away
>     from their
>     real economic interests with diversionary issues like abortion,
>     guns, and gay
>     rights. Insofar as Democrats bear responsibility for the loss of
>     their former
>     working class constituency, Frank is often said to have argued that
>     this was due
>     to their excessive liberalism on these and other 'cultural
issues'.
> 
>     "But Frank's argument was more complex or perhaps more
simple. At
>     the end of his
>     book, in a passage that very few leading commentators seem to have
>     read (a
>     shining exception is New York Times columnist Paul Krugman), Frank
>     clearly and
>     (in my opinion) correctly blamed the long corporatist shift of the
>     Democratic
>     Party to the business-friendly right and away from honest discussion
>     of -- and
>     opposition to -- economic and class inequality for much of whatever
>     success the
>     GOP achieved in winning over working-class whites."
> 
>     Street quotes Larry M. Bartels, director of the Center for the Study
of
>     Democratic Politics at Princeton: "Frank exaggerated white
>     working-class voters'
>     susceptibility to cultural diversion: 'In recent presidential
>     elections,'
>     [Bartels] notes, 'affluent voters, who tend to be liberal on
>     cultural matters,
>     are about twice as likely as middle-class and poor voters to make
their
>     decisions on the basis of their cultural concerns.' In other
words,
>     working
>     class white voters don't especially privilege 'cultural
issues'
>     (God, guns,
>     gays, gender, and abortion) over pocketbook concerns and actually do
>     that less
>     than wealthier voters."
> 
>     Bartels summarizes an effect of the propaganda system.
"Small-town
>     people of
>     modest means and limited education are not fixated on cultural
>     issues. Rather,
>     it is affluent, college-educated people living in cities and suburbs
>     who are
>     most exercised by guns and religion. In contemporary American
>     politics, social
>     issues are the opiate of the elites." It's the tertiary
bourgeoisie
>     who are
>     (taught to be) distracted by these issues.
> 
>     Like the presidential election in which they figure, these issues
>     are meant to
>     be a distraction -- and they are safe issues from our rulers'
point
>     of view,
>     because decisions on them do not much affect central governmental
>     responsibilities like war and the economy. In our America, policy is
>     well-insulated from politics: we have at best a simulacrum of
>     democracy.
>     Passionately preferring a candidate who's within the allowable
>     limits of debate
>     is a recipe for irrelevance, as it's meant to be. The show must go
>     on; ignore
>     the little man (many men, actually) behind the curtain.
> 
> 
>     THE WAR WAS NOT A PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN ISSUE
> 
>     With two-thirds of Americans saying since the beginning of the
>     campaign that the
>     war in Iraq was a mistake, one might ask why it was removed as an
>     issue. Why
>     didn't one candidate put himself in opposition to the war and
>     promise a real
>     withdrawal from Iraq (which Obama didn't promise)? That one could
>     even have
>     been McCain, once Obama's scenery-chewing over Afghanistan and
Pakistan
>     ("AfPak," in DC-speak) made it clear to all (except those
liberals
>     who assumed
>     that he would change in office) that he was not an anti-war
>     candidate. McCain
>     could have protected himself from the charge of flip-flopping by
>     off-loading the
>     responsibility to the "commanders on the ground' (as they
both did
>     anyway) and
>     claim that conditions had changed (either for the better or the
>     worse -- it
>     wouldn't matter).
> 
>     The answer reveals the nature of the presidential candidacy. Far
>     from being
>     driven by the polls, presidential candidates are auditioning for a
role
>     essentially in the gift of the elite. (The media, owned almost
>     entirely by the
>     largest corporations -- there are brave exceptions like
>     *CommonSense* -- are the
>     necessary enforcers.) When the contrast between the views of the
>     elite and those
>     of the majority becomes clear, the candidates know to take up those
>     of the
>     elite. (In 1992 Clinton was barely elected with a vague promise of
>     providing
>     health care as all other industrialized states do. But when it
>     became clear
>     that Americans favored that plan -- "single-payer health
care" --
>     when it was
>     explained to them -- the Clinton administration replied that it
"was
>     not
>     politically possible": i.e., the elite did not support it.)
> 
>     Obama was never for the ending of the war and the withdrawal of the
>     U.S. from
>     Iraq. He was never opposed to the war in principle, just tactically:
>     it was
>     "the wrong war in the wrong place at the wrong time," he
said. But
>     "removing
>     the troops now," he said three years ago, "would result in a
massive
>     bloodbath
>     for both countries," and so couldn't be done. He criticized
the hash
>     the Bush
>     administration had made of the war, and well-funded Democratic party
>     front
>     groups like MoveOn and Americans Against Escalation in Iraq [sic]
>     worked to
>     co-opt the antiwar movement for he Democratic party, but Obama could
>     not adopt a
>     principled opposition to the war.
> 
>     The reason was that, for all the effort to use the war against the
>     Republicans,
>     the Democrats like the Republicans support the general US government
>     policy of
>     which the war in Iraq is a part. With Israel as its "local cop on
>     the beat," as
>     the Nixon administration put it, the US has conducted a
>     generation-long war for
>     the control of energy resources in a 1500-mile radius around the
>     Persian Gulf --
>     from the Mediterranean to the Indus valley, from the Horn of Africa
>     to Central
>     Asia. That war will continue in the coming administration. And not
>     because the
>     US is dependent on Middle East oil: less than 10% of the oil the US
>     imports for
>     domestic consumption comes for the Middle East.
> 
>     Rather, the US goal in every administration for half a century has
>     been to
>     secure by means of the control of Middle East oil and gas what Obama
>     foreign
>     policy advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski calls "indirect but
politically
>     critical
>     leverage on the European and Asian economies that are also dependent
>     on energy
>     exports from the region." Those economies in Europe and northeast
>     Asia (China,
>     Japan and South Korea) are the real rivals to US economic hegemony,
>     and the
>     control of energy resources gives the US the whip-hand. We will not
>     give it up
>     in the new administration, so the war was not an issue.
> 
>     And it should by now be clear that, whether we call them al-Qaida,
>     Taliban,
>     insurgents, terrorists or militants, the people whom we're trying
to
>     kill in the
>     Middle East are those who want us out of their countries and off of
>     their
>     resources. In order to convince Americans to kill and die and suffer
>     in this
>     cause, the Bush administration has repeatedly lied about the
>     situation, from
>     trumpeting the non-existent weapons of mass destruction to,
>     apparently, forging
>     incriminating letters. But the new administration will continue with
>     the
>     biggest lie, that the US is fighting a "war on terror" -- as
they
>     expand the war
>     to Pakistan, which the Realists believe is the center of armed
>     opposition to US
>     control of he Middle East.
> 
>     There are in fact presidential candidates who -- unlike McCain and
>     Obama -- have
>     serious things to say about the US government's war policy. The
>     following is
>     from a statement presented to the media on September 10 by Rep. Ron
>     Paul, former
>     Republican presidential candidate, joined by Cynthia McKinney, Green
>     Party
>     presidential candidate, Chuck Baldwin, Constitution Party presidential
>     candidate, and Ralph Nader, independent presidential candidate;
>     former Rep. Bob
>     Barr, the Libertarian Party presidential candidate, said he also
>     agreed with the
>     statement:
> 
>     "The Iraq War must end as quickly as possible with removal of all
our
>     soldiers from the region. We must initiate the return of our
>     soldiers from
>     around the world, including Korea, Japan, Europe and the entire
>     Middle East. We
>     must cease the war propaganda, threats of a blockade and plans for
>     attacks on
>     Iran, nor should we reignite the cold war with Russia over Georgia.
>     We must be
>     willing to talk to all countries and offer friendship and trade and
>     travel to
>     all who are willing. We must take off the table the threat of a
>     nuclear first
>     strike against all nations.
> 
>     "We must protect the privacy and civil liberties of all persons
>     under US
>     jurisdiction. We must repeal or radically change the Patriot Act,
>     the Military
>     Commissions Act, and the FISA legislation. We must reject the notion
>     and
>     practice of torture, eliminations of habeas corpus, secret
>     tribunals, and secret
>     prisons. We must deny immunity for corporations that spy willingly
>     on the people
>     for the benefit of the government. We must reject the unitary
>     presidency, the
>     illegal use of signing statements and excessive use of executive
>     orders."
> 
> 
>     THE ECONOMY WAS NOT A PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN ISSUE
> 
>     Similarly, the other great issue of the day, represented in the Wall
>     Street
>     bailout, saw no real difference between the candidates. On the
>     economy, as on
>     the war, McCain could have employed a rhetorical flanking maneuver
>     and taken the
>     popular position in opposition to the bailout, along with the House
>     Republicans,
>     painting Obama as a tool of Wall Street (which he clearly was: the
>     Obama
>     campaign even received more contributions from Wall Street than
>     McCain's did).
>     It would however have taken more guts than McCain had to attack
>     Obama on the
>     bailout, as on the war. More importantly, the elite position favored
>     the
>     bailout, despite the fact that constituents' calls to
congressional
>     representatives were overwhelmingly in opposition.
> 
>     The joint statement of the third-party candidates did however depart
>     form elite
>     demands on economic issues:
> 
>     "We believe that there should be no increase in the national
debt. The
>     burden of debt placed on the next generation is unjust and already
>     threatening
>     our economy and the value of our dollar. We must pay our bills as we
>     go along
>     and not unfairly place this burden on a future generation.
> 
>     "We seek a thorough investigation, evaluation and audit of the
Federal
>     Reserve System and its cozy relationships with the banking,
>     corporate, and other
>     financial institutions. The arbitrary power to create money and
>     credit out of
>     thin air behind closed doors for the benefit of commercial interests
>     must be
>     ended. There should be no taxpayer bailouts of corporations and no
>     corporate
>     subsidies. Corporations should be aggressively prosecuted for their
>     crimes and
>     frauds."
> 
> 
>     POLICY IS INSULATED FROM POLITICS
> 
>     In the last days of the lesser Bush, it seems that US government
>     policy is being
>     made almost entirely within the executive branch, in the clash of
>     two factions
>     -- the Neocons, who gained control after the 9/11/01 attacks and
>     produced the
>     invasion of Iraq, and the "Realists" (for lack of a better
name), the
>     foreign-policy establishment that continues as administrations come
>     and go.
>     There's no real opposition to the policies that issue from their
>     rivalry. Both
>     the legislative and judicial branches are irrelevant. Congress has
>     resigned to
>     the administration its authority to make war, to make appropriations
>     (in the
>     bailout of Wall Street) -- and even to make criminal law (in the
>     PATRIOT Act,
>     FISA, and MCA); the Supreme Court has made decisions on torture and
>     false
>     imprisonment, but ineffectually: the torture regime and the secret
>     prisons still
>     exist, and the courts have not released prisoners from Guantanamo,
>     originally
>     and openly designed designed to be outside the scope of the US courts..
> 
>     Nothing characterizes the last year of the Bush administration more
>     than the
>     break with the Neocon dominance and the reassertion of control by
>     the Realists.
>     The result of incapacity? (Was Bush in fact publicly drunk at the
>     Olympics, as
>     rumored on the net?) Or pique? (The split between the White House
>     and the
>     Neocons in the office of the Vice-President may already be in place
>     at the time
>     of the Libby affair.)
> 
>     In any case, Cheney's easy use of Bush as an instrument (seen in
the
>     investigation the Washington Post had done but wouldn't publish
>     before the 2006
>     election) is no more. That means that the US government is largely
>     back in the
>     hands of a foreign policy establishment that brought us wars from
>     Kennedy to
>     Clinton. And their drive for "full spectrum dominance" --
hegemony, not
>     survival -- may finally make them more dangerous than the murderous
>     Neocons.
>     What some psychologists call splitting should be avoided ("Since
the
>     Neocons are
>     bad, the foreign policy establishment must be good") --
noticeable
>     as it may be
>     in the presidential campaign...
> 
>     There seems to have been a debate within the Bush administration on
>     how best to
>     construct the enemy that justifies the continuing US military
>     presence in the
>     Middle East: the Neocons wanted to make a bete noire out of a
>     pacific and indeed
>     helpful (to US regional interests) Iran, while the Realists wanted
>     to do the
>     same with terrorists in Pakistan -- and they seem to have the upper
>     hand in both
>     the old and new administration.
> 
>     Secretary of Defense Robert Gates was perhaps the senior member of
>     the foreign
>     policy establishment in the Bush administration, and it seemed clear
>     that his
>     people would have charge of the ongoing Middle East War, regardless
>     of who the
>     new president was. Obama even suggested that he would like Gates to
>     remain at
>     the Pentagon (and Paulson at the Treasury). In 2004, Gates
>     co-chaired, along
>     with Obama advisor Brzezinski, a Council on Foreign Relations task
>     force report
>     entitled, "Iran: Time for a New Approach," the main point of
which
>     was to
>     advocate a policy of "limited or selective engagement with the
>     current Iranian
>     government."
> 
>     Military action against Pakistan -- which Obama called for more
>     urgently than
>     McCain -- was already underway, and Obama's intention was to
improve
>     upon the
>     "baby steps" (as his adviser said) already taken by the
Realists in
>     the Bush
>     administration in killing Pakistanis (many of them apparently
>     Pushtun babies who
>     would take no more steps). But it was also clear that McCain in
>     office would
>     give way to the Realist consensus in the Pentagon and State
>     Department. (Both
>     McCain and Obama said that they will be guided by the "commanders
on
>     the
>     ground"). The Neocons -- holed up in the OVP and concentrating on
>     avoiding
>     prosecution (that's what the Military Commissions Act was about)
--
>     have been
>     largely brushed aside.
> 
>     If one means the consideration of possible policy changes, the
>     presidential
>     election did not take place, and the new administration will present
>     a strategic
>     continuity with the old, both domestically and in the matter of
killing
>     foreigners. God help us.
> 
>     ###
> 
>     _______________________________________________
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> 
> 
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