[Peace-discuss] Discard the mythology of 'the Israel Lobby'...
Morton K. Brussel
brussel at illinois.edu
Tue Mar 24 19:22:27 CDT 2009
Good according to whom? Another superficial "analysis", not unlike
many he writes. --mkb
On Mar 24, 2009, at 5:21 PM, C. G. Estabrook wrote:
> [A British columnist who's good on this stuff, tho' he may be a bit
> sanguine about J Street. --CGE]
>
>
> Discard the mythology of 'the Israel Lobby',
> the reality is bad enough.
> They are not all-powerful, but Israel's advocates
> in the US do play hardball - often hurting the cause
> they are meant to serve
> o Jonathan Freedland
> o The Guardian, Wednesday 18 March 2009
>
> Now they have their Joan of Arc. Those who have long claimed that
> the sinister, shadowy forces of "the Israel Lobby" pull the strings
> of US foreign policy at last have a martyr. Last week Charles
> Freeman, a former diplomat, said he would not take the job he had
> been offered, chairing the US National Intelligence Council: he had,
> he said, been the victim of a campaign of "character assassination"
> conducted by an "Israel Lobby [willing to] plumb the depths of
> dishonour and indecency". In a furious statement, he declared that
> the "aim of this Lobby is control of the policy process".
>
> Those who in 2006 lapped up the thesis argued by the US academics
> John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, attributing to the mighty lobby
> the power to divert the US from its own interests, seized on
> Freeman's fall as decisive proof. Walt himself declared: "For all of
> you out there who may have questioned whether there was a powerful
> 'Israel lobby'," he blogged, "think again."
>
> As the reception to the original Mearsheimer-Walt article showed,
> this is radioactive terrain. Those who wade in carelessly can find
> themselves burnt. The explanation is not complicated. The notion
> that Jews wield excessive power, and do so in mysterious ways; that
> they advance the interests of a foreign power; that they function as
> some kind of fifth column, and that as such they have often led
> their country into needless wars - all these are accusations that
> have been hurled at Jews going back many centuries. It should be no
> surprise that Jews' ears prick up if they think they can hear these
> old tunes hammered out once more.
>
> And yet, after several conversations with Israel supporters in both
> Washington and Tel Aviv, I have found no one who denies that Freeman
> was indeed the victim of advocates for Israel. It is quite true that
> many on Capitol Hill disliked Freeman's devotion to Saudi Arabia,
> the country where he had once served as US ambassador: he recently
> suggested King Abdullah be renamed "Abdullah the Great". True, too,
> that a critical blow came from Nancy Pelosi, the house speaker,
> reportedly outraged by Freeman's overly indulgent attitude towards
> China's rulers. But I'm reliably told that these lines of attack
> originated with the pro-Israel crowd. Nor have Freeman's character
> assassins bothered to hide their fingerprints.
>
> On the contrary, several have bragged about their role, among them
> Steve Rosen, a former official of the American-Israel Public Affairs
> Committee, or Aipac, who launched the attack on Freeman.
>
> Surely, then, as Walt claimed, this settles not only the Freeman
> whodunit but the larger question of the mighty "Lobby". Clearly it
> is every bit as vicious - and effective - as its detractors have
> claimed, able to derail even a new and popular administration such
> as Barack Obama's simply because it had the temerity to pick a man
> who had, among other things, condemned the Israeli occupation as
> "brutal oppression" - right? Not quite.
>
> The flaws in the Mearsheimer-Walt case remain as visible as when
> they were exposed by the Palestinian-American scholar Joseph Massad,
> Noam Chomsky and a clutch of other anti-Zionists. For one thing, if
> Israel and its backers really did control United States foreign
> policy, there would never be any divergence between them: Washington
> would simply do "the Lobby's" bidding. But that is hardly the case.
> One can go back to the mid-1980s, when Israel and its friends begged
> the Reagan administration not to sell Awacs surveillance planes to
> Saudi Arabia - to no avail: the Saudis got their planes. Or spool
> forward to 1991 when George Bush pressured Israel to attend a peace
> conference against its will and withheld $10bn in much-needed loan
> guarantees unless Israel agreed to freeze settlements on occupied
> land. You might mention Israel's proposed arms sales to China:
> Washington compelled Israel to back down, first in 2000 and again in
> 2005. More awkwardly, Israel has long sought the release of those
> who spied for it against the US. Washington has consistently refused.
>
> Chomsky asks a useful question. If the US has been led to behave the
> way it does in the Middle East by the cunning "Israel Lobby", how
> come it behaves the same way elsewhere? "What were 'the Lobbies'
> that led to pursuing very similar policies throughout the world?" As
> for the Middle East, Chomsky quotes the scholar Stephen Zunes:
> "There are far more powerful interests that have a stake in what
> happens in the Persian Gulf region than does Aipac [or the Lobby
> generally], such as the oil companies, the arms industry and other
> special interests whose lobbying influence and campaign
> contributions far surpass that of the much-vaunted Zionist lobby ..."
>
> The naive assumption at work here is that the American dog has no
> interests of its own, leaving it free to be wagged by the pro-Israel
> tail. It's a convenient view, casting the great superpower as a
> hapless, and essentially innocent, victim. But guess what: the US
> emphatically does have its own strategic interests - oil chief among
> them - and it guards them fiercely. Support for Israel as a loyal,
> dependable ally - ready to take on Arab and other forces that might
> pose a threat to those interests - has served America's purposes
> well. That's why the US acts the way it does, not because Aipac
> tells it to.
>
> Perhaps the most powerful example - if only because so many believe
> the reverse to be true - is the Iraq war. Plenty of Mearsheimer-Walt
> followers reckon it was the "Lobby" wot done it: it was Israel that
> pushed for war. But as Lawrence Wilkerson, former chief of staff to
> Colin Powell, and others have explained, Israel's leaders in fact
> repeatedly warned against an attack on Saddam, fearing it would
> distract from, and embolden, what it regarded as the real threat,
> namely Iran. As it happened, they were right.
>
> So the myth of an all-powerful Israel lobby, pulling the strings, is
> a delusion. But it's equally false to pretend that Aipac and its
> allies don't exist or exert genuine influence. They do and they play
> hardball, as the Freeman affair has vividly demonstrated. (Indeed,
> the negative publicity that has resulted may make this victory a
> pyrrhic one.)
>
> Viewed this way, clearly and through a lens unclouded by
> exaggeration and mythology, they are to be strenuously opposed.
> Their attempt to limit the voices heard in Washington is not just an
> offence against pluralism, it also hurts the very cause Aipac
> purports to serve: Israel.
>
> Aipac's approach - not so much pro Israel as pro the Israeli right
> wing - ends up pushing US politicians away from the policies Israel
> itself needs, specifically the dialogue with enemies and territorial
> concessions that are necessary if Israel's long-term future is to be
> secured.
>
> The good news is that alternatives are emerging. Founded last year,
> J Street styles itself as a "pro-Israel, pro-peace" advocacy
> organisation, thereby creating a space for those US politicians who
> support Israel but believe the policy of recent Israeli governments
> is hurting Palestinians and imperilling the future of the Jewish
> state. Aipac and its allies have had the monopoly on Israel advocacy
> for too long. Let's hope the Freeman episode prompts America's
> leaders to take a hard look at them, to see them as they really are:
> not all-powerful - and not always right either.
>
> freedland at guardian.co.uk
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