[Peace-discuss] The Long War gets longer

[C. G. Estabrook]

[As usual, follow the trail of oil.  The USG's decades-long killing spree in 
Somalia depends upon Somalia's strategic location vis-a-vis the energy resources 
of the Persian Gulf. Meanwhile in West Africa, Nigeria is perhaps of even 
greater concern to the US: we import almost as much oil from Nigeria as we do 
from the entire Middle East. And across the continent the US competes with 
oil-hungry China to try to corner the market, so to speak, not because we need 
it here but potentially to deny it to our European and especially Asian economic 
rivals. --CGE]


"In December 2009, U.S. military officials confirmed that the Pentagon was 
considering the creation of a 1,000-strong Marine rapid deployment force for the 
new U.S. Africa Command (Africom) based in Europe ... And in March 2010, U.S. 
officials revealed that the Obama administration was considering using 
surveillance drones [in Somalia] ... the Pentagon may also launch air strikes 
into Somalia and send U.S. Special Forces troops into the country, as it has 
done in the past ... a senior U.S. military officer assigned to Africom was 
quoted as saying ... 'We don’t want to see our guys going in and getting wacked 
... We want Africans to go in' ...  a major escalation of U.S. military 
involvement in Africa by the Obama administration ... seems likely to continue 
in the years ahead."


	Obama Expands Military Involvement in Africa
	by Daniel Volman, April 03, 2010

When President Barack Obama took office in January 2009, it was widely expected 
that he would dramatically change, or even reverse, the militarized and 
unilateral security policy that had been pursued by the George W. Bush 
administration toward Africa and other parts of the world.

After one year in office, however, it is clear that the Obama administration is 
following essentially the same policy that has guided U.S. military policy 
toward Africa for more than a decade. Indeed, the Obama administration is 
seeking to expand U.S. military activities on the continent even further...

In its FY 2011 budget request for security assistance programs for Africa, the 
Obama administration is asking for $38 million for the Foreign Military 
Financing program to pay for U.S. arms sales to African countries.

The administration is also asking for $21 million for the International Military 
Education and Training Program to bring African military officers to the United 
States, and $24.4 million for Anti-Terrorism Assistance programs in Africa.

The Obama administration has also taken a number of other steps to expand U.S. 
military involvement in Africa.

In June 2009, administration officials revealed that Obama had approved a 
program to supply at least 40 tons of weaponry and provide training to the 
forces of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Somalia through several 
intermediaries, including Uganda, Burundi, Djibouti, Kenya, and France.

In September 2009, Obama authorized a U.S. Special Forces operation in Somalia 
that killed Saleh Ali Nabhan, an alleged al-Qaeda operative who was accused of 
being involved in the bombing of the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 
August 1998, as well as other al-Qaeda operations in east Africa.

In October 2009, the Obama administration announced a major new security 
assistance package for Mali – valued at $4.5-$5 million – that included 37 Land 
Cruiser pickup trucks, communication equipment, replacement parts, clothing, and 
other individual equipment and was intended to enhance Mali’s ability to 
transport and communicate with internal security forces throughout the country 
and control its borders.

Although ostensibly intended to help Mali deal with potential threats from AQIM 
(al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb), it is more likely to be used against Tuareg 
insurgent forces.

In December 2009, U.S. military officials confirmed that the Pentagon was 
considering the creation of a 1,000-strong Marine rapid deployment force for the 
new U.S. Africa Command (Africom) based in Europe, which could be used to 
intervene in African hot spots.

In February 2010, in his testimony before a hearing by the Africa Subcommittee 
of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Assistant Secretary of State for Africa 
Johnnie Carson declared, "We seek to enhance Nigeria’s role as a U.S. partner on 
regional security, but we also seek to bolster its ability to combat violent 
extremism within its borders."

Also in February 2010, U.S. Special Forces troops began a $30 million, 
eight-month-long training program for a 1,000-man infantry battalion of the army 
of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) at the U.S.-refurbished base in Kisangani.

Speaking before a Senate Armed Service Committee hearing in March 2010 about 
this training program, Gen. William Ward, the commander of Africom, stated 
"should it prove successful, there’s potential that it could be expanded to 
other battalions as well."

During the Senate Armed Services Committee hearing, Ward also discussed 
Africom’s continuing participation in Ugandan military operations in the DRC 
against the Lord’s Resistance Army. Despite the failure of "Operation Lightning 
Thunder," launched by Ugandan troops in December 2008 with help of Africom 
(included planning assistance, equipment, and financial backing), Ward declared, 
"I think our support to those ongoing efforts is important support."

And in March 2010, U.S. officials revealed that the Obama administration was 
considering using surveillance drones to provide intelligence to TFG troops in 
Somalia for their planned offensive against al-Shabaab. According to these 
officials, the Pentagon may also launch air strikes into Somalia and send U.S. 
Special Forces troops into the country, as it has done in the past.

This growing U.S. military involvement in Africa reflects the fact that 
counterinsurgency has once again become one of the main elements of U.S. 
security strategy.

This is clearly evident in the new Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) released by 
the Pentagon in February.

According to the QDR, "U.S. forces will work with the military forces of partner 
nations to strengthen their capacity for internal security, and will coordinate 
those activities with those of other U.S. government agencies as they work to 
strengthen civilian capacities, thus denying terrorists and insurgents safe 
havens. For reasons of political legitimacy as well as sheer economic necessity, 
there is no substitute for professional, motivated local security forces 
protecting populations threatened by insurgents and terrorists in their midst."

As the QDR makes clear, this is intended to avoid the need for direct U.S. 
military intervention: "Efforts that use smaller numbers of U.S. forces and 
emphasize host-nation leadership are generally preferable to large-scale 
counterinsurgency campaigns. By emphasizing host-nation leadership and employing 
modest numbers of U.S. forces, the United States can sometimes obviate the need 
for larger-scale counterinsurgency campaigns."

Or, as a senior U.S. military officer assigned to Africom was quoted as saying 
in a recent article in the U.S. Air University’s Strategic Studies Quarterly, 
"We don’t want to see our guys going in and getting wacked. … We want Africans 
to go in."

Thus, the QDR goes on to say, "U.S. forces are working in the Horn of Africa, 
the Sahel, Colombia, and elsewhere to provide training, equipment, and advice to 
their host-country counterparts on how to better seek out and dismantle 
terrorist and insurgent networks while providing security to populations that 
have been intimidated by violent elements in their midst."

Furthermore, the United States will also continue to expand and improve the 
network of local military bases that are available to U.S. troops under 
base-access agreements.

The resurgence of Vietnam War-era counterinsurgency doctrine as a principal 
tenet of U.S. security policy, therefore, has led to a major escalation of U.S. 
military involvement in Africa by the Obama administration that seems likely to 
continue in the years ahead.

FY 2011 Budget Requests by Country

The $38 million for the Foreign Military Financing program to pay for U.S. arms 
sales to African countries includes: $9 million for Liberia, $9 million for 
Morocco, $4.9 million for Tunisia, $2.5 million for Djibouti, $2 million for 
Ethiopia, $1.5 million for the Democratic Republic of Congo, $1.4 million for 
Nigeria, and $1 million for Kenya.

The $21 million for the International Military Education and Training Program to 
bring African military officers to the United States for military training 
includes: $2.3 million for Tunisia, $1.9 million for Morocco, $1 million for 
Kenya, $1 million for Nigeria, $1 million for Senegal, $950,000 for Algeria, 
$825,000 for Ghana, $725,000 for Ethiopia, $600,000 for Uganda, $500,000 for the 
Democratic Republic of Congo, and $500,000 for Rwanda.

The $24.4 million for Anti-Terrorism Assistance programs in Africa includes: $8 
million for Kenya, $1 million for South Africa, $800,000 for Morocco, and 
$400,000 for Algeria, and $14 million for African Regional Programs.

(Inter Press Service)

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