[Peace-discuss] iraq sanctions
E. Wayne Johnson
ewj at pigs.ag
Mon Dec 27 19:34:26 CST 2010
(See main article below.)
Lesley Stahl: "We have heard that half a million children have died. I
mean, that's more children than died in Hiroshima. And, you know, is the
price worth it?"
Madeline (Bad Hat) Albright: "We think the price is worth it."
*
From Wikipaedia -
Estimates of excess deaths during [Iraq] sanctions vary depending on the
source. The estimates vary ^[24]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-unicef99-23>
^[30]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-atrocities1997-29> due
to differences in methodologies, and specific time-frames covered.^[31]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-30> A short
listing of estimates follows:
* Unicef <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unicef>: 500,000 children
(including sanctions, collateral effects of war). "[As of 1999]
[c]hildren under 5 years of age are dying at more than twice the
rate they were ten years ago."^[24]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-unicef99-23> ^[32]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-31>
* Former U.N. Humanitarian Coordinator in Iraq Denis Halliday
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Denis_Halliday>: "Two hundred
thirty-nine thousand children 5 years old and under" as of
1998.^[6]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-Michael_Powell_1998-5>
* Iraqi Baathist <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Baathist> government:
1.5 million.^[22]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-Welch2002-21>
* Iraqi Cultural Minister Hammadi: 1.7 million (includes sanctions,
bombs and other weapons, depleted uranium poisoning) ^[33]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-32>
* "probably ... 170,000 children", Project on Defense Alternatives,
"The Wages of War", 20. October 2003^[34]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-33>
* 350,000 excess deaths among children "even using conservative
estimates", Slate Explainer, "Are 1 Million Children Dying in
Iraq?", 9. October 2001.^[35]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-34>
* "Richard Garfield
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_Garfield_%28nursing_professor%29>,
a Columbia University
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Columbia_University> nursing
professor ... cited the figures 345,000-530,000 for the entire
1990-2002 period"^[36]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-ds03-35>
for sanctions-related excess deaths.^[37]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-NP02-36>
* Zaidi, S. and Fawzi, M. C. S., The Lancet
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Lancet> (1995, estimate
withdrawn in 1997):567,000 children.^[9]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-Spagat-8>
* Editor (then "associate editor and media columnist") Matt Welch
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Matt_Welch>,^[38]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-37> Reason
Magazine <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reason_Magazine>, 2002: "It
seems awfully hard not to conclude that the embargo on Iraq has
... contributed to more than 100,000 deaths since 1990."^[22]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-Welch2002-21>
^[37] <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-NP02-36>
* Former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ramsey_Clark>: 1.5 million (includes
sanctions, bombs and other weapons, depleted uranium
poisoning).^[39]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-38>
* British Member of Parliament George Galloway
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Galloway>: "a million Iraqis,
most of them children."^[40]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-39>
* Economist Michael Spagat: "very likely to be [less than] than half
a million children."^[9]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_sanctions#cite_note-Spagat-8>
*
U.S. responsible for human toll of Iraq sanctions
JOY GORDON | Fairfield University philosophy professor | Posted:
Wednesday, December 22, 2010 9:00 am
http://host.madison.com/ct/news/opinion/column/article_444bba62-911a-58a4-b9b6-3c7caa21027d.html*
*
Last week the U.N. Security Council voted to lift the sanctions that it
imposed on Iraq 20 years ago. Vice President Joe Biden hailed the
occasion as "an end to the burdensome remnants of the dark era of Saddam
Hussein."
What he did not say was that the sanctions were more than burdensome.
They triggered a humanitarian crisis that resulted in the deaths of
hundreds of thousands of children, and the collapse of every system
necessary to sustain human life in a modern society. And he certainly
did not mention that among all the nations on the Security Council, it
was the U.S. -- and the U.S. alone -- that ensured that this human
damage would be massive and indiscriminate.
All of this took place within an obscure committee of the Security
Council, known as the 661 Committee. Few have heard of it. But it was
this committee that determined whether Iraqis would have clean water,
electricity in their homes, or fuel for cars and trucks.
It was a committee that met behind closed doors, and never made its
records public. Within it, the U.S. had a unique role. As the
humanitarian situation in Iraq deteriorated, support for the sanctions
on the Security Council began to erode. When other members of the
council sought to allow critical humanitarian goods into Iraq, the U.S.
vetoed them. For the first eight months of the sanctions, the U.S. would
not even allow Iraq to import food. Once the committee decided to allow
food, the U.S. then objected to trucks needed to deliver food and other
goods, as well as irrigation equipment to increase agriculture.
The U.S. policies were extreme and relentless. The U.S. blocked
refrigeration for medicines, on the grounds that refrigerators might be
used to store agents for biological weapons. The U.S. blocked things as
innocuous as plywood, fabric, glue and glass on the grounds that they
were "inputs to industry," which might be used to rebuild Iraq's military.
The U.S. blocked child vaccines and yogurt-making equipment on the
grounds that the Iraqi government might use them to make weapons of mass
destruction. When Iraq tried to increase the number of small animals for
meat, cheese and milk, the U.S. blocked goat and sheep vaccines,
claiming that Iraq might use them as biological weapons.
The U.S. prevented Iraq from importing water tankers during a period of
drought, while there were epidemic levels of sickness from drinking
water unfit for human consumption. And water pipes for irrigation. And
light switches, and telephones, and ambulance radios, and fire trucks,
claiming that they might be used by Iraq's military.
At one point, a U.S. official came before the 661 Committee with a vial
of cat litter, and informed the members, in all seriousness: "This could
be used to stabilize anthrax."
No one else found the U.S. justifications to be plausible. UNMOVIC, the
U.N.'s weapons inspectors, disputed many of the U.S. justifications for
blocking humanitarian goods. Even Britain, the U.S.' closest ally on the
Security Council, did not share the views of the U.S. Still, the U.S.
rarely relented.
The U.S. insisted that these policies were aimed at Saddam Hussein. But
it was obvious that they had little to do with him. Iraq's political and
military leadership, and the wealthy elite, were insulated from the
hardship. But the population as a whole was not.
To destroy a country's infrastructure, to reduce a nation to a
pre-industrial condition and then keep it in that state, means precisely
that it will be unfit to sustain human life. The reports of U.N.
agencies and international organizations such as the Red Cross ensured
that U.S. officials knew, with certainty, exactly what harm was being
caused by U.S. policies.
While Vice President Biden tells the world that the end of the sanctions
means that Iraq can now move forward to a bright future, what he does
not say is that in fact there was damage that was irreversible,
including child deaths and stunted growth from years of malnutrition.
What he also does not say is that the rest of the damage -- the collapse
of the infrastructure, the terrible deterioration in industry,
agriculture, electricity, health and education -- was not just due to
Saddam Hussein's indifference. However much harm Saddam did to the Iraqi
people, the U.S., for over a decade, made it far, far worse.
/Joy Gordon, Ph.D., is a philosophy professor at Fairfield University.
She is the author of "Invisible War: The United States and the Iraq
Sanctions" (Harvard University Press)./
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