[Peace-discuss] Article from SocialistWorker.org
Karen Medina
kmedina67 at gmail.com
Sat Mar 20 18:28:11 CDT 2010
[A rather good examination of the health care proposals that is being pushed
through Congress in the name of "reform." -karen medina]
View original article here:
http://socialistworker.org/2010/03/19/worse-than-nothing
Comment: Helen Redmond
======== WORSE THAN NOTHING AT ALL ===========================================
Helen Redmond examines the health care proposals that Barack Obama and the
Democratic Party want to push through Congress in the name of "reform."
March 19, 2010
THE DEMOCRATS' mad rush to pass health care legislation--/any/ health care
legislation, no matter how awful--is center stage in Washington politics.
And they got a step closer to their goal this week with the capitulation of
Rep. Dennis Kucinich, the last of two House Democrats who previously voted
against health care "reform" legislation because it doesn't do enough to
actually reform the system.
Now, Kucinich--who still claims to support a single-payer system that would
cover everyone under a government-run program and cut out private
insurers--is championing a proposal that not only isn't single payer, but
doesn't even include the "public option" half-measure that liberals once
insisted was non-negotiable.
Kucinich had continued to criticize the measure backed by the Obama White
House and congressional Democratic leaders--until last Monday, when he was
invited to fly with the president on Air Force One. By Tuesday, he had called
a press conference to announce his support for Barack Obama's version of
health care reform, and by Wednesday, he was marching around the House floor,
trying to convince fellow Democrats to get on board.
Former Democratic National Committee Chair Howard Dean was another vociferous
critic of the Senate bill last year. In an op-ed article, he presaged how the
health care endgame would play out.
>In Washington, when major bills near final passage, an inside-the-beltway
>mentality takes hold. Any bill becomes a victory. Clear thinking is thrown
>out the window for political calculus. In the heat of battle, decisions are
>being made that set an irreversible course for how future health care reform
>is done. The result is legislation that has been crafted to get votes, not
>reform health care.
>
That's exactly what's happened--but Dean is now a supporter of the Senate
bill.
These surrenders are only the latest steps backward--away from the promises
during the 2008 campaign of a reformed health care system, where the abuses
of the insurance industry would be stopped, and toward the dismal reality of
legislation that will do the opposite.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
IN SPITE of the hysterical complaints of Republicans, the truth is that the
health care measure House Democratic leaders hope to ram through this weekend
is a disaster in the making for working people and a massive giveaway to the
medical-pharmaceutical-insurance complex.
It will "mandate" people to buy policies from private insurers, without any
guarantees of affordable premiums or adequate coverage. It won't have a
"public option." It will slash spending and benefits for the federal
government's Medicare program by $500 billion. It will impose a tax in some
form on employer-provided insurance--supposedly aimed at expensive "Cadillac"
plans, but in reality affecting any insurance that has decent benefits.
The list goes on and on. But the conventional wisdom is that the fate of the
Obama presidency hangs on passing this legislation, so the White House and
Democratic leaders like House Speaker Nancy Pelosi are bullying and bribing
the holdouts in their party--mostly conservative "Blue Dog" Democrats who
want even more concessions to the right.
A lot of the media's attention has been focused not on the content of the
legislation but the bizarre maneuvering of the Democrats now that a united
Republican Party has 41 votes in the Senate--enough to block a final version
of the legislation negotiated between the House and Senate from coming to a
vote.
Instead, House Democrats plan to approve the health care bill passed by the
Senate late last year, but with a number of revisions that would be included
in a separate measure called a budget reconciliation bill. The reconciliation
measure could bypass a Republican filibuster in the Senate.
The possibility remains, however, that the Senate could ignore the House
Democrats' revisions--there's no guarantee that it would take up the budget
reconciliation bill.
In any case, the convoluted parliamentary maneuvers were an excuse for still
more retreats. For example, in compiling the revisions that the House wants
in the Senate bill, Democratic leaders dropped a measure supported by Obama
that would give the federal government the authority to regulate health
insurance premiums.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
THE ADMINISTRATION'S push for health care legislation has been in trouble
since January, when Republican Scott Brown won the special Senate election in
Massachusetts. The Democrats still have the biggest majority in both houses
of Congress than either party has had for years--but the fact that they don't
have the super-majority necessary to overcome Republican filibusters under
the undemocratic rules of the Senate has become the all-purpose excuse for
Democrats to act like a panicked minority.
Nevertheless, the administration got a new boost of momentum--ironically,
from something that shows the need for much more radical measures to fix the
health care crisis.
In February, Anthem Blue Cross, a division of WellPoint, raised premiums by a
whopping 39 percent on 700,000 individual plans in California. The increase
caused an uproar that the Obama White House exploited to renew pressure on
Congress to take up health care legislation.
Summoned to a congressional hearing, a well-coached Angela Braly, CEO of
WellPoint--which netted $4.7 billion in profits last year--was unapologetic.
"Raising our premiums was not something we wanted to do," Braly declared,
"but we believe this was the most prudent choice given the rising cost of
care and the problems caused by many younger and healthier policyholders
dropping or reducing their coverage during tough economic times."
Braly went on to criticize the Democrats' health care proposals for having a
weak "personal coverage requirement"--read: mandate. In fact, the legislation
will force tens of millions of people into the arms of private insurers, but
that's not good enough for Braly and Co.--they want /no one/ exempted from
the mandate and higher financial penalties for anyone who doesn't get
coverage.
The next stop for Braly--along with Stephen Hemsley, CEO of UnitedHealth, the
country's largest health insurer--was a private meeting at the White House
with Obama and Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius. The
meeting was described in the /New York Times/ as "surprisingly cordial," but
there were no concessions from the insurers on the premium increases.
The farce continued when Sebelius was dispatched to a meeting of America's
Health Insurance Plans (AHIP), the insurance industry's association--not to
demand anything, but to politely ask insurers to disclose requests for
increases in premiums, along with data showing costs and other factors that
justify the hikes. Insurance companies in 27 states have to do this already.
"It's not too late to work on this issue together--for insurance companies to
come to the table and work with us," Sebelius told the meeting. But the truth
is that the insurance bosses have been at the table from day one, shaping the
Obama administration's proposals to be more in their favor.
The health care industry has used a two-pronged strategy with Washington. Its
representatives participated as "stakeholders" in discussions with the Obama
administration--and even more centrally with members of Congress, like Sen.
Max Baucus, who actually wrote the legislation.
But the health care bosses have also kept up a steady stream of criticism of
the Democrats' proposals, and provided financial and political support for
the Republicans' opposition to all reform. This is meant to box in the
Democrats from considering more radical proposals. For the health care
giants, it's a win-win situation.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
MEANWHILE, THE administration push to get health care legislation passed at
all costs is being aided and abetted by liberal commentators and some
progressive Democratic-aligned organizations.
Economist and /New York Times/ columnist Paul Krugman claims that the Senate
version of "reform" is "a seriously flawed bill we'll spend years, if not
decades, fixing." Nevertheless, he writes, "For a real piece of passable
legislation, however, it looks very good. This is a reasonable, responsible
plan. Don't let anyone tell you otherwise."
Wendell Potter--the former director of corporate communications for insurance
giant Cigna-turned-whistleblower and trenchant critic of the insurance
industry--now supports the Senate bill. In an interview with PBS's Bill
Moyers, Potter declared, "Yes, it'll be a win for the insurance companies,
but I don't think we're going to wind up with the insurance companies walking
away and winning the whole ball game. If we don't do anything right now,
that's what will happen."
Krugman, Potter and other liberal voices--some of them previously passionate
defenders of single payer--who claim that "something is better than nothing"
are wrong. The health care legislation that the White House and Congressional
leaders want to pass is worse than nothing at all.
As Dr. Marcia Angell, former editor-in-chief of the /New England Journal of
Medicine/ and a sharp critic of the Democrats' proposals, explained:
>What this bill does is not only permit the commercial insurance industry to
>remain in place, but it actually expands and cements their position as the
>linchpin of health care reform...Not only does it keep them in place, it
>pours about $500 billion of public money into these companies over 10
>years...and it mandates that people buy these companies products for
>whatever they charge.
>
One argument in favor of the Senate version of health care legislation made
by Democrats and groups like Health Care for America Now, the labor-backed
organization that has been for the Democrats' highly restricted "reform"
proposals all along, is the claim that 30 million people without insurance
today would gain coverage under the bill.
What they don't say is that it will take 10 years for that number to gain
coverage. Fully half will be covered by Medicaid, a program that is in fiscal
crisis in every state, where officials have made drastic cuts to balance
budgets. More and more doctors are refusing to take Medicaid patients because
reimbursements rates have been slashed.
And on top of that, more than one-third of the uninsured today, or around 20
million people, will still be uninsured 10 years into the reform--among them,
millions of undocumented immigrants who won't be eligible for federal
subsidies.
The other measures that can be painted as reform--like forbidding insurers
from denying coverage to patients with pre-existing conditions--are long
overdue, but are offset by concessions to insurers, like provisions allowing
them to charge older patients more than younger ones.
On one point, according to liberals, the Senate bill is superior to the
health care bill passed by the House last year: women's reproductive rights.
The House version contained an amendment proposed by Democrat Bart Stupak
that would have barred any insurer participating in the government insurance
exchange for the uninsured from covering abortion as a medical procedure.
The Senate language on abortion, written by anti-choice Democrat Ben Nelson,
isn't as all-encompassing--but it still represents an outrageous attack on
women's rights. Women could buy a policy through the government insurance
exchange that covers abortion, but they would have to write two checks each
month, and insurers will have to keep the income in separate accounts. The
incentive will be for insurers to drop abortion coverage.
Republicans and some Democrats still claim this isn't tough enough--but it
was good enough for the organization that represents 90 percent of the 59,000
Catholic nuns in the U.S. to put its support behind the Democrats' health
care measure.
If Obama and Pelosi get their way and the Senate bill is rammed through the
House this weekend, we'll hear that the vote was historic. And it will be--a
historic failure to mobilize the massive popular sentiment to get profit out
of health care and truly reform a broken system.
Alan Maass contributed to this article.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
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