[Peace-discuss] [socialistdiscussion] Fw: Fw: The Occupy Movement, Co-optation and the 2012 Elections

Larry Duncan lduncan at igc.org
Wed Dec 7 16:54:53 CST 2011


Ricky,
Thank you for this contribution. Much in here to think about.
In solidarity,
Larry




On Dec 7, 2011, at 4:37 PM, Ricky Baldwin wrote:

> Not sure what Richard's saying here, but I have a comment on the  
> overall discussion.  I do agree that the Democratic Party is not  
> the "friend of labor" that some folks would like to portray it as,  
> that we can't count on a "savior" to come out of the electoral  
> process at all in fact.  And I agree that SEIU was too quick to  
> endorse Obama, and I doubt the union leadership even got anything  
> good for it, at least nothing big.  In addition, I've said for  
> years that unions should take most if not all the money we spend on  
> political candidates and put it into organizing - though to spend  
> it properly even on organizing would take some care.  On top of  
> that, I often disagree with a lot of the endorsements we do.   
> SEIU's State Council (although not my local) gives a lot of money  
> to Mike Madigan, for example, which is a travesty that is truly  
> worth denouncing, and there are efforts to change that.  I'm sure  
> some people won't listen to what I have to say about this, as soon  
> as they see I disagree with part of it, and they'll say it's all  
> because I work for SEIU and I've been active in the labor movement  
> so long that my brain has been colonized or something.  But folks  
> on this thread who know me I think know that I have no problem  
> criticizing where it's due.  I've been fired from unions, and  
> argued and yelled and fought when it was right to do so, too.
>
> But I think "cooptation" is being used a little too broadly here.   
> When a white supremacist city council adds a black member who will  
> not speak up just to justify their actions, that is cooptation.   
> When a big corporation adds union reps to the board of directors,  
> who then join the corporate mindset instead of using the board as a  
> tool to work for workers' interests, that's cooptation.  If the  
> Occupy movement transformed into a Democratic Party cheerleading  
> squad, yeah, OK, that would be cooptation.  But what's happening  
> here is different.
>
> The Occupy movement began with a laundry list of demands, most of  
> which were shared by people from many walks of life - including  
> labor union members.  Consequently the movement gained support of a  
> wide variety of folks, including union members.  Many people,  
> however, experienced the Occupy movement through the news media and  
> thought less of it - the media deemphasized the demands that would  
> earn the movement broad support, emphasized superficial factors  
> that separated them form the larger population, like hair style,  
> hygiene, etc.  This is not surprising.  It's PR for the  
> corporations.  A number of union activists and leaders, among  
> others, put forward a great effort to debunk the media images and  
> emphasize common ground with the movement.  These people (including  
> me) are part of the growing movement, part of drawing more people  
> in, part of organizing events and part of defining the message(s),  
> which appears to be a group effort.
>
> I happen to disagree that the movement needs to get behind Obama's  
> and the Democrats' election campaigns, or this jobs bill.  I think  
> the election of more Democrats will likely be a side effect of the  
> movement -- excellent research by people like Francis Fox Piven  
> suggests that, historically, change often can be seen first at the  
> ballot box, where the danger of cooptation is real but not the  
> whole story.  But Piven also shows how grassroots movements become  
> weaker, the more  closely they become involved in electoral  
> politics instead of the politics of disruption.  So it's important  
> in my opinion for the Occupy movement to maintain its independence  
> from the Democrats, or Greens, or whoever, and push certain  
> principles.  Some of those will translate into legislation,  
> probably legislative compromises.  That's OK, that's natural.  And  
> it's OK for people in the movement to speak up and say to  
> politicians, OK, we like this that you're doing and don't like  
> that.  The point is to continue and deepen the disruption, keep  
> making principled demands, and let the institutions of power  
> react.  I know not everybody is not going to see it this way,  
> including people who say its too accommodationist or something and  
> those who say it's too idealistic or radical or something.  But I  
> have to say I understand both.  Unions, for example, on their best  
> day are typically very practical.  They see elections as mattering,  
> even if the difference between the candidates is not as great as  
> we'd like.  The real effect on people, for example, who make  
> minimum wage, is real if we elect a candidate who opposes a raise  
> versus someone who supports raise in the minimum.  That's just one  
> example, but I say it to just point out that I get as angry with  
> the Democrats as anybody on this list, I'll bet, and many of them  
> are just about useless, but I understand when somebody says we have  
> to elect them.  Because it matters to people's lives.  So if union  
> leaders speak up and say all this means we have to get behind  
> Obama, I think that's understandable.  I think they are off base,  
> just like I think people who say we should oppose the Democrats  
> just because they are Democrats are off base, but I don't think  
> it's cooptation necessarily just like I don't think the opposite is  
> necessarily a conspiracy to undermine the movement's  
> effectiveness.  We should expect everyone to try to steer the  
> movement in the best direction they know.  That's what's bound to  
> happen next.  Let's just stay cool through that.  If we can hand  
> together through that period, we have the potential to do something  
> big together.
>
> But I think we will need to resist the impulse to devolve into  
> infighting instead of organizing.  See you Saturday.
>
> Ricky
> ________________________________________
> From: Richard Mellor [aactivist at igc.org]
> Sent: Tuesday, December 06, 2011 8:59 AM
> To: socialistdiscussion at yahoogroups.com
> Cc: William IWW Blomington Campbell; william gorrell; stefen  
> robinson; Ricky Baldwin; Neil Parthun; david johnson; Dave Powers;  
> Colm Mistéil; Bill Gorrell; Jim Eyman; Germaine Light; Harry  
> Kelber; Harry Kelber; Larry Duncan; Occupy Champaign Urbana; Steven  
> ISO Wyatt; Ricky Baldwin; Leighton ISO Christiansen; Jesse  
> Phillippe; Gene Germaine Vanderport; Chris OCCUPY Goodrow; Belden  
> Fields; Jacob Occupy Yetti; Peace-discuss; sf-core
> Subject: Re: [socialistdiscussion] Fw: Fw: The Occupy Movement, Co- 
> optation and the 2012 Elections
>
> David, the source of the piece though comes from an organization  
> whose members in the Labor movement never raise this issue of  
> cooptation on the part of the Labor officialdom who are a major  
> vehicle for coopting the movement in to the Democratic party and  
> keeping any serious demands off the table, never raise it  
> concretely and in the open I mean which means arguing against the  
> officials promoting it.  With regards to demands they have help  
> here from the Anarchists also who oppose them.  Action action  
> action but demand nothing. In fact that was a slogan you saw many  
> times, occupy everything demand nothing.
>
> Richard
> On Dec 6, 2011, at 4:57 AM, David Johnson wrote:
>
>
>
>
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: John Reimann<mailto:1999wildcat at gmail.com>
> To: David Johnson<mailto:dlj725 at hughes.net>
> Sent: Monday, December 05, 2011 9:41 PM
> Subject: Re: Fw: The Occupy Movement, Co-optation and the 2012  
> Elections
>
> David:
>
> The two editorials, taken together, are most interesting, because  
> the co-optation of the Occupy movement does not start simply with  
> the blunt drive to turn it in the direction of supporting the  
> Democrats. A far more subtle and therefore more serious threat  
> comes from the attempt to keep its program - its demands - within  
> "acceptable" limits. This means "acceptable" to the liberal  
> Democrats and, therefore, acceptable to the union hierarchy.
>
> It's with this in mind that the second editorial on the Emergency  
> Labor Network has to be considered. The program of the ELN is made  
> up to insure that the "progressive" wing of the labor hierarchy  
> cannot disagree with it. In other words, the ELN itself is part of  
> the very same co-optation that the first editorial decries!
>
> John
> P.S. I see that you sent your communication to multiple recipients.  
> What would you think of forwarding this note on to them also?
>
> On Mon, Dec 5, 2011 at 5:54 PM, David Johnson  
> <dlj725 at hughes.net<mailto:dlj725 at hughes.net>> wrote:
>
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: Larry Duncan<mailto:lduncan at igc.org>
> To: Larry Duncan<mailto:lduncan at igc.org>
> Sent: Monday, December 05, 2011 7:12 PM
> Subject: The Occupy Movement, Co-optation and the 2012 Elections
>
> http://www2.socialistorganizer.org/index.php? 
> option=com_content&task=view&id=466&Itemid=1
>
> The Occupy Movement, Co-optation and the 2012 Elections
>
> Editorial
> (November-December 2011 Issue of The Organizer newspaper)
>
> Hundreds of thousands of people have taken to the streets across  
> the country since September 17 in the Occupy Wall Street movement  
> to protest the intolerable conditions of massive unemployment,  
> growing inequality, rampant home foreclosures, and stepped-up cuts  
> in the social safety net. Their outrage has been focused against  
> the bailout of Wall Street, while Main Street has been left to  
> languish, and against the influence of big-money over the political  
> system.
>
> This explosion of anger against the unbridled greed of the  
> banksters and speculators in the span of just two short months has  
> changed the terms of the national debate. No longer is the  
> discourse dominated by the dangers of Big Government and Big  
> Unions; today the media and the population at large are talking  
> about the role of Wall Street and the banks in destroying our  
> economy and subverting democratic rights. This is no small feat.
>
> The Occupy protests - with chants of "Enough is Enough! - We Refuse  
> to Pay For Their Crisis! - They Got Bailed Out, We Got Sold Out!"  
> -- speak for the working-class majority in this country.
>
> Today, as the Occupy encampments are being shut down by violent  
> police repression nationwide -- under directives from Homeland  
> Security and therefore under the political responsibility of  
> President Obama and the Democratic Party -- Occupy activists are  
> discussing what to do next to advance the movement. This is the  
> context in which a diverse series of heavy-weight political players  
> -- from the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) to The  
> Nation magazine -- are ratcheting up their efforts to co-opt the  
> Occupy movement and steer it into the Democratic Party's 2012  
> election campaign, some with a hard sell, others with a softer sell.
>
> SEIU's Hard Sell
>
> The SEIU has been the most brazen in its effort to co-opt the  
> Occupy movement. In mid-November, Mary Kay Henry, president of  
> SEIU, gave President Obama her union's early endorsement, with the  
> following motivation: "We need a leader willing to fight for the  
> needs of the 99 percent. ... Our economy and democracy have been  
> taken over by the wealthiest 1 percent."
>
> SEIU has put together a coalition -- which includes the AFL-CIO,  
> MoveOn.org and numerous liberal organizations -- with the goal of  
> busing thousands of protesters from across the country to "Occupy  
> Congress" in Washington, D.C., on December 5-9.
>
> In an interview with Greg Sargent (Washington Post Opinion, The  
> Plum Line, November 18), Henry explains the purpose of Occupy  
> Congress. One goal of the protests, Henry says, is to pressure  
> Republicans to support Obama's jobs creation proposals. This is a  
> jobs bill which, at best, would create 1.5 million to 2 million  
> jobs, nowhere near the 15 million jobs that the AFL-CIO leadership  
> had been calling for but has since dropped by the wayside. Even  
> worse, the jobs program would be paid in large part by cutting  
> Social Security taxes, thus weakening the fund and leaving it more  
> exposed to the budget cutters -- which is unacceptable.
>
> Henry argues that this support for the Democratic Party is not in  
> contradiction with the Occupy movement, noting that Occupy Wall  
> Street has created a framework -- "we are the 99 percent" -- within  
> which such activities would fit comfortably. "We want to draw a  
> stark contrast," Henry said, "between a party that wants to  
> scapegoat immigrants, attack public workers, and protect the rich,  
> versus a president who has been saying he wants America to get back  
> to work and that everybody should pay their fair share."
>
> Glen Greenwald, writing in Salon.com on November 19, decried this  
> attempt by SEIU to "integrate Occupy Wall Street into the very  
> political institutions that it has slammed with such anger." He  
> stated:
>
> "The notion -- advanced by SEIU -- that it's the Democratic Party  
> and the Obama White House working to bring about the changes and  
> implant the values of the 99 percent is so self-evidently false as  
> to be insulting."
>
> "Wall Street funded the Democrats far more than the GOP in the 2008  
> election; the Democrats' key money man, Charles Schumer, is one of  
> the most devoted Wall Street servants in the country; Obama  
> empowered in key positions Wall Street servants such as Tim  
> Geithner, Larry Summers, Bill Daley, Rahm Emanuel, and an endless  
> roster of former Goldman officials; ... the President named the CEO  
> of GE to head his jobs panel; ... and the Democratic President,  
> after vocally urging an Age of Austerity, tried very hard to usher  
> in cuts to Social Security and an increase in the age for Medicare  
> eligibility."
>
> Greenwald's exposé of Wall Street-Democratic Party collusion is  
> good, but it leaves out the main indictment of the Obama  
> administration: Obama and the Democrats played the central role in  
> selling out Main Street when they bailed out Wall Street to the  
> tune of more than $8 trillion (including the funds from the Federal  
> Reserve).
>
> When union activists have objected that Occupy Congress is  
> explicitly aimed at supporting Obama's jobs bill and the Democratic  
> Party, Occupy Congress organizers have replied, echoing Mary Kay  
> Henry, that this should not be a problem as Occupy allows for a  
> "diversity of tactics."
>
> The Nation's Softer Sell
>
> Other liberals are a bit more clever in their co-optation approach.  
> In an op-ed article published widely November 25 under the title,  
> "Channel the Anger and the Hope," Katrina vanden Heuvel, editor and  
> publisher of The Nation magazine, lavishes heavy praise on the  
> Occupy movement and then goes on to write the following:
>
> "For me the central question now is how to channel the anger and  
> hope of Occupy into strategies that will forge a new politics and  
> economy. ... This requires a politics of conviction, but it also  
> demands avoiding a denunciation of the Obama administration's every  
> misstep and failure. ...
>
> "While I do have my disappointments with President Obama, ... he is  
> now talking more forthrightly about jobs and fairness, and  
> challenging the ridiculous idea that asking the wealthiest to pay  
> their fair share is akin to class warfare. ... It is time to work  
> with determined idealism and grounded pragmatism to begin building  
> the kind of society we have dreamed of but not yet achieved."
> No doubt Ms. Vanden Heuvel's "grounded pragmatism" will lead to a  
> more specific call down the road to get on board with Obama to stop  
> "the ferocious forces of reaction and establishment power and  
> money," as she calls them.
>
> Whither Occupy Wall Street?
>
> Occupy Wall Street is structurally vulnerable to this co-optation.
>
> While every Occupy protest features signs and banners that read,  
> "Wall Street Got Bailed Out, We Got Sold Out!", very few, if any,  
> signs can be seen, and very few, if any, speeches can be heard,  
> denouncing the Obama administration and the Democrats for enabling  
> the Wall Street banksters who sold us out. Wall Street didn't do  
> the job on its own; it took the politicians in the twin parties of  
> capitalism, led by Obama, to turn over our money - and mortgage our  
> future -- to these speculators and swindlers.
>
> The main leading forces in the Occupy movement -- with their  
> opposition to placing demands on the State and eventually winning  
> political power -- do not offer an independent, working-class  
> fightback perspective to the workers and youth who burst onto the  
> scene and have sought in the Occupy movement an avenue for struggle.
>
> As important as the encampments have been for establishing this  
> movement, and while they must be defended against the State, the  
> emphasis on "liberating space" reflects a utopian view that it is  
> possible to build islands of a free society within a sea of  
> capitalism and, therefore, that societal change will principally  
> come about from individual lifestyle choices. History shows that  
> until working people control the wealth of society, it is  
> impossible to build and sustain an alternative egalitarian society.
>
> Likewise, organizational structures based on strict consensus are  
> profoundly anti-democratic in that they allow a small minority to  
> block the will of the majority, and therefore are not suited to  
> building a sustainable mass movement against capitalist austerity.
>
> These political dynamics have led most of the Occupy movement to  
> refuse to take on the Obama administration. This void has been  
> filled largely by calls to demand "greater accountability" from  
> Wall Street and the banks or call on their supporters to take their  
> funds out of the major banks and place them in cooperative-style  
> credit unions.
>
> At a public forum in New York City on November 9 sponsored by The  
> Nation magazine, well-known authors Naomi Klein and William Greider  
> repeated time and again that Occupy Wall Street is essentially a  
> modern-day version of the Populist rebellions of the past.
>
> Klein offered the Mondragon federation of cooperatives in the  
> Basque region of Spain and the expansion of local farmers' markets  
> as the examples of what the Occupy movement must now fight for here  
> in the United States.
>
> Greider, for his part, pointed to Lawrence Goodwyn's "The Populist  
> Moment," as the place to look for examples of how a new "movement  
> culture," "participatory democracy," and economic cooperatives  
> could work in this country.
>
> Both Klein and Greider are not wrong in this assessment of the  
> Occupy Wall Street movement as, essentially, a Populist movement.  
> Notwithstanding the largely agrarian character of the Populist  
> movement in its heyday (in the 1890s), there is a striking  
> similarity in the cross-class composition and political targets of  
> these movements, directed as they are, against the financial  
> oligarchies of their time -- the 1 percent.
>
> But any serious student of the Populist movements of the past has  
> to understand that the demise of these Populist movements -- or put  
> another way, their gradual liquidation -- came through their co- 
> optation into the Democratic Party, albeit not always directly.
>
> And the reason for this liquidation into the Democratic Party is  
> actually explained -- though not intentionally -- in the  
> introduction of "The Populist Moment" when, echoing the Populists  
> of that era, Goodwyn categorically rejects the Marxist concept of  
> class. Goodwyn advocates a "movement culture" of the "people,"  
> without class distinctions, and explains that the "presumed  
> analytical clarity of the category of class" is nothing of the sort.
>
> It is precisely this rejection of the existence of class society --  
> and class struggle -- by large sections of the Occupy Wall Street  
> movement that make it so vulnerable to the Democratic Party  
> operatives and their fellow-travelers. It's what enables SEIU, The  
> Nation, and all too many progressive intellectuals to say that  
> support for the Democrats in 2012 is just one among many "diverse  
> tactics" to be deployed by the Occupy movement.
>
> Support for the Democratic Party in 2012 by any wing of the Occupy  
> Wall Street movement would represent a lethal blow to the Occupy  
> movement as a whole. The Democratic Party is financed, run and  
> controlled by Wall Street and the capitalist class. It is not a  
> vehicle, even a partial one, to advance workers' struggles. On the  
> contrary, it is the graveyard of all workers' and social movements.
>
> * * * * * * * * *
>
>
> http://www2.socialistorganizer.org/index.php? 
> option=com_content&task=view&id=467&Itemid=1
>
> Why Class Matters: Occupy and Workers' Resistance
>
> There is a concerted drive the world over by the ideologues of  
> capitalism, and relayed by the neo-Populists, to dissolve the  
> working-class majority into a new political category called "civil  
> society," which includes both workers and bosses on the grounds  
> they have "common interests" against the 1 percent.
>
> But workers and bosses cannot "work together" in harmony because  
> their interests are diametrically opposed.
>
> Wage earners -- called the "gravediggers of capitalism" by Karl  
> Marx for their capacity to overturn the system that relies on them  
> -- make up the huge majority of the population in the United  
> States. Workers survive by selling their labor to the capitalists,  
> in exchange for a wage.
>
> The economy and all of society inevitably grind to a screeching  
> halt without the labor of working people. Workers -- Black, white,  
> and immigrant; men and women; blue-collar and white-collar - have  
> the power to shut down any city in a matter of minutes just by  
> folding their arms. We run the schools, the fields, the stores, the  
> factories, the offices, transportation; we are the soldiers in the  
> military; and we produce and distribute food, gas, light, heat --  
> everything.
>
> Working-Class Upsurge
>
> This reality of class struggle can be seen played out every day  
> both at home and abroad with the rise of working-class resistance  
> to the capitalists' onslaught on our jobs, rights and conquests.
>
> Internationally, this has been expressed in the central role of the  
> working class and its organizations in the revolutionary uprisings  
> in Egypt, Tunisia, Greece, and beyond. Similarly, general strikes  
> have swept dozens of European countries in recent months.
> The first and perhaps most explosive re-emergence of the U.S.  
> working class on the national scene took place last February in  
> Wisconsin when hundreds of thousands of workers and youth -- at the  
> initiative of the Teaching Assistants trade union (TAA) and then of  
> the South Central Wisconsin Federation of Labor -- took to the  
> streets with their organizations, occupied the State capitol for  
> three weeks, organized strikes and held regular mass demonstrations  
> in the freezing cold to demand that the governor withdraw his plan  
> to attack public-sector workers by dismantling their collective- 
> bargaining rights.
>
> Workers nationwide rallied to support the struggle in Wisconsin,  
> sending shock waves throughout the U.S. ruling class.
>
> While the massive uprising in Wisconsin did not succeed in stopping  
> the attacks on collective bargaining (given the default of the  
> trade union officialdom, which offered huge concessions in wages  
> and benefits in exchange for an agreement to rescind the governor's  
> bill), the uprising electrified the country, showing that a massive  
> struggle in the streets (including a mass occupation of a state  
> capitol) by workers, youth and their organizations, could  
> potentially turn the situation around.
>
> The uprising in Wisconsin also gave impetus to a drive in Ohio --  
> organized by the trade unions and independent of the Democratic  
> Party -- to launch a referendum process to overturn a similar anti- 
> union measure in that state. On November 8, the referendum to  
> overturn Senate Bill No. 5 passed by a large margin: 61%, and this  
> in a state that boasts of having the largest Tea Party base. This  
> was a huge victory for the trade union movement.
>
> This movement has been expressed in the direct class struggle  
> itself -- with a two-week Verizon workers' strike (which galvanized  
> huge union and community support nationwide), the first-ever  
> nationwide strike by nurses last October; and strikes and mass  
> walkouts against cuts in education by teachers, teaching  
> assistants, and students across California in October and November.
>
> Sharp Longshore Confrontation
>
> Perhaps the sharpest class confrontation, however, has been in  
> Longview, Washington, where the ILWU members have been on strike  
> six months to oppose changes in their contract language demanded by  
> the EGT grain conglomerate. For weeks the workers occupied the  
> waterfront and prevented all cargo from moving. This was  
> reminiscent of the factory occupations of the 1930s. But state  
> authorities ordered state troops to storm the waterfront and break  
> up the dockworkers' occupation. Longshore workers and their  
> families were beaten, pepper sprayed, and arrested by police armed  
> with tear gas, rubber and live ammunitions to protect the interests  
> of EGT.
>
> Solidarity with the Longview workers was, in fact, one of the main  
> reasons for the port shutdown on November 2 in Oakland, California  
> -- the fifth largest port in the United States. This action was  
> organized by ILWU members in conjunction with more than 30,000  
> people in the framework of a General Strike/Day of Action called by  
> Occupy Oakland.
>
> But a standoff remains in Longview, with the ILWU leadership and  
> AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka refusing to escalate the struggle  
> coastwide to help the workers get back their jobs and their union  
> contract. But here, as in Wisconsin, the last word has not been  
> said by the workers themselves.
>
> Occupy movements up and down the West Coast, supported by ILWU rank- 
> and-filers, are now organizing a West Coast Port Shutdown on  
> December 12, 2011 in solidarity with both the ILWU Local 21  
> Longview workers and the truck drivers (mostly Latinos) in the  
> ports of southern California who were fired in a union-busting  
> attack when they attempted an organizing campaign. These truck  
> drivers selected the date of December 12 for the action; it is the  
> day of Our Virgin of Guadalupe, a day revered by workers of Mexican  
> origin in the United States.
>
> What Way Forward?
>
> On November 28, the Emergency Labor Network -- a network of  
> unionists and labor activists formed in Cleveland, Ohio, in early  
> March 2011 -- issued a statement that calls for building committees  
> to promote the fightback around the demand of "No Cuts!"
>
> The ELN statement reads, in part:
>
> "The assault on the safety net and human services programs is a  
> bipartisan one. This underscores the need for building a powerful  
> independent movement that opposes all cuts on an uncompromising  
> basis. ...
>
> "A stop has to be put to any and all attacks on our vital social  
> programs, and Ohio shows that when the unions put their pedal to  
> the metal we can prevail, we can push back their attacks, we can  
> stop them in their tracks.
>
> "[W]e urge the formation of committees in our unions and in our  
> communities to promote public forums on these burning issues, build  
> action coalitions locally against the cuts, and move our unions and  
> organizations at the federal, state and local levels to mobilize to  
> stop and rescind the cuts."
>
> This statement is extremely significant; it points the way forward  
> for the labor and Occupy movements today. The Organizer newspaper  
> fully supports this ELN text and urges its readers and supporters  
> to join in building fightback committees against the cuts.
> The trade unions have the means to organize mass mobilizations and  
> strike actions to demand: "No Cuts! Make Wall Street Pay for the  
> Crisis!" With the growing momentum created by the Occupy Wall  
> Street movement, the time is now for the union movement, in  
> alliance with the independent organizations and struggles of Black  
> and Latinos, to pull out all the stops and organize the kind of  
> fightback that can put a stop to the ruling-class assault and turn  
> things around for once and for all in the interests of the working- 
> class majority.
>
> At the same time, it will also be necessary -- and this is  
> inextricably linked to the previous point -- to open the widest  
> discussion within the labor movement and beyond about the need for  
> the unions to break with the Democratic Party and build their own  
> party -- a Labor Party based on the unions and the organizations of  
> Blacks, Latinos, and all the oppressed.
>
> These discussions will be promoted in the pages of Unity &  
> Independence, the monthly supplement of The Organizer newspaper, in  
> the weeks and months ahead.
>
> -- The Editors
>
>
>
>
> --
> "Poems don't belong to those who write them; they belong to those  
> who need them" - from movie "Il Postino"
> Check out: http://worldwidesocialist.net/blog/
>
>
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> "Capitalism teaches the people the moral conceptions of cannibalism  
> are the strong devouring the weak; its theory of the world of men  
> and women is that of a glorified pig-trough where the biggest swine  
> gets the most swill." -James Connolly 1910.
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