[Peace-discuss] On Bacevich's Quackery & That of Many Others
C. G. Estabrook
galliher at illinois.edu
Tue Jun 28 22:11:21 CDT 2011
Ron--
I'm not the only one to be put off by Bacevich's maunderings. I hardly agree
with Taranto's 'positive' points, but his criticism of Bacevich is generally apt.
And neither mentions Mideast oil - which the U.S. State Department called in
1945 "the world's greatest material prize."
What if the major product of the Mideast were asparagus? --CGE
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Dr. Bacevich's Quackery
If you think American kids are ignorant about history, wait till you get a load
of this historian.
By JAMES TARANTO
Andrew Bacevich, a professor of history and international relations at Boston
University, has an innovative foreign-policy theory. "At periodic intervals," he
argues in a Los Angeles Times op-ed piece, "the American body politic" succumbs
to "war fever," which he defines as "a sort of delirium" whose symptoms are
"delusions of grandeur and demented behavior."
He offers a medical history beginning with the Spanish-American War: "Gripped by
such a fever in 1898, Americans evinced an irrepressible impulse to liberate
oppressed Cubans." Once it was all over, "no one could quite explain what had
happened or why."
Then, "in 1917, the fever suddenly returned. Amid wild ravings about waging a
war to end war, Americans lurched off to France. This time the affliction passed
quickly, although the course of treatment proved painful: confinement to the
charnel house of the Western Front, followed by bitter medicine administered at
Versailles."
Bacevich: Demand a second opinion!
This account of America's entry into World War I is incomplete, to say the
least. It ignores that the debate over the U.S. role in the war had gone on for
years. President Wilson had striven to preserve U.S. neutrality, declining to
enter the war and attempting to mediate a peaceful settlement even after the
German sinking of the British passenger ship Lusitania in 1915, which killed 128
Americans [NOT BLOODY LIKELY].
Further, although there was "bitter medicine administered at Versailles in
1919," it was not the U.S. that had to choke it down. The heavy reparations
imposed at Versailles failed to pacify the Germans, leading to . . . well,
nothing, in Bacevich's account.
Bacevich's medical history skips straight to the 1960s, which "brought another
bout" of the fever. World War II? Korea? Nope, nothing much happened until "an
overwhelming urge . . . landed Americans in Vietnam." [THAT'S THE SORT OF
NONSENSE WE'VE COME TO EXPECT FROM BACEVICH.] Fortunately, Saigon fell to the
communists, which "seemed, for a brief interval, to inoculate the body politic
against any further recurrence." Unfortunately, "the salutary effects of this
'Vietnam syndrome' proved fleeting."
"By the time the Cold War ended," Bacevich recounts, "Americans were running
another temperature, their self-regard reaching impressive new heights." He does
not elaborate, but we remember the 1990s as a fairly peaceful time. [IF EITHER
HAD TO EXPLAIN KOSOVO, IT MIGHT BE ILLUMINATING.]
"Then came 9/11, and the fever simply soared off the charts. The messiah nation
was really pissed and was going to fix things once and for all." So "Washington
set out to redeem the greater Middle East. . . . Half a dozen years ago, 'wars
of choice' were all the rage in Washington."
Were they really? Half a dozen years ago would be 2005, two years after Iraq was
liberated from Saddam Hussein's dictatorship. By that time, there was no clamor
for more "wars of choice." To the contrary, opposition was mounting to the
continuing American presence in Iraq. The next "war of choice" didn't begin
until just a few months ago, in Libya. (Bacevich obliquely acknowledges that
last point, writing that "the post-9/11 fever . . . lingers most strongly in the
Obama White House, where a keenness to express American ideals by dropping bombs
persists"--though our recollection is that the "keenness" for intervention in
Libya emanated from the State Department rather than the White House.)
Describing the complexities of American military intervention as a "fever" is,
at best, an extremely simple-minded metaphor, the sort of thinking one might
expect from a Cindy Sheehan or a Michael Moore rather than a serious academic.
[TARANTO HAS NO REASON TO GIVE ANY ATTENTION TO ANYTHING SHEEHAN OR MOORE
ACTUALLY SAID.] But to call it simple-minded gives it too much credit. Consider
this passage:
Of course, at the first signs of self-restraint, you can always count on the
likes of Sen. John McCain or the editorial board of the Wall Street Journal to
decry (in McCain's words) an
"isolationist-withdrawal-lack-of-knowledge-of-history attitude." In such
quarters, fever is a permanent condition, and it's always 104 and rising.
A fever cannot be "always 104 and rising." Either it hits 105 or it stops
rising. Bacevich's command of arithmetic is as poor as his command of history.
His diagnosis is sheer quackery. [BUT THEN THERE'S A LOT OF THAT GOING ROUND.]
(Disclosure: This columnist is a member of The Wall Street Journal's editorial
board.)
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