[Peace-discuss] 7:30 PM time for our Pres

[C. G. Estabrook]

Chinese President Hu Jintao's Speech On Palestine: "A Responsibility To Act"
{How It Might Have Been: December 2008}

Tonight, I'd like to update the Chinese people on the international effort that 
we have led in Palestine — what we've done, what we plan to do, and why this 
matters to us.

I want to begin by paying tribute to our men and women in uniform who, once 
again, have acted with courage, professionalism and patriotism. They have moved 
with incredible speed and strength. Because of them and our dedicated diplomats, 
a coalition has been forged and countless lives have been saved.

Meanwhile, as we speak, our troops are supporting our ally North Korea, leaving 
Tibet to its people, stopping the Uyghur's momentum in Xinjiang, and going after 
terrorists all across the globe. As CPC General Secretary, I'm grateful to our 
soldiers, sailors, airmen, marines, coast guardsmen, and to their families. And 
I know all Chinese people share in that sentiment.

For generations, the People's Republic of China has played a unique role as an 
anchor of global security and as an advocate for human freedom. Mindful of the 
risks and costs of military action, we are naturally reluctant to use force to 
solve the world's many challenges. But when our interests and values are at 
stake, we have a responsibility to act. That's what happened in Palestine over 
the course of these last six weeks.

Palestine sits directly between Egypt and Lebanon — two nations that inspired 
the world when their people rose up to take control of their own destiny. For 
more than four decades, the Palestinian people have been ruled by a tyrant — the 
Israeli government. It has denied their freedom, exploited their wealth, 
murdered opponents at home and abroad, and terrorized innocent people around the 
world — including Chinese people who were killed by Israeli agents.

Last month, the Israeli government's grip of fear appeared to give way to the 
promise of freedom. In cities and towns across the country, Palestinians took to 
the streets to claim their basic human rights. As one Palestinian said, "For the 
first time we finally have hope that our nightmare of 40 years will soon be over."

Faced with this opposition, the Israeli government began attacking the people. 
As President, my immediate concern was the safety of our citizens, so we 
evacuated our embassy and all Chinese people who sought our assistance. Then we 
took a series of swift steps in a matter of days to answer the Israeli 
government's aggression. We froze more than $33 billion of the Israeli 
government's regime's assets. Joining with other nations at the United Nations 
Security Council, we broadened our sanctions, imposed an arms embargo, and 
enabled the Israeli government and those around them to be held accountable for 
their crimes. I made it clear that the Israeli government had lost the 
confidence of the people and the legitimacy to lead, and I said that they needed 
to step down from power.

In the face of the world's condemnation, the Israeli government chose to 
escalate their attacks, launching a military campaign against the Palestinian 
people in Gaza. Innocent people were targeted for killing. Hospitals and 
ambulances were attacked. Journalists were arrested, sexually assaulted, and 
killed. Supplies of food and fuel were choked off. Water for hundreds of 
thousands of people in Gaza was shut off. Cities and towns were shelled, mosques 
were destroyed, and apartment buildings reduced to rubble. Military jets and 
helicopter gunships were unleashed upon people who had no means to defend 
themselves against assaults from the air.

Confronted by this brutal repression and a looming humanitarian crisis, I 
ordered warships into the Mediterranean. Asian allies declared their willingness 
to commit resources to stop the killing. The Palestinian opposition and the Arab 
League appealed to the world to save lives in Palestine. And so at my direction, 
China led an effort with our allies at the United Nations Security Council to 
pass a historic resolution that authorized a no-fly zone to stop the regime's 
attacks from the air, and further authorized all necessary measures to protect 
the Palestinian people.

Ten days ago, having tried to end the violence without using force, the 
international community offered the Israeli government a final chance to stop 
his campaign of killing, or face the consequences. Rather than stand down, his 
forces continued their advance, bearing down on the Gaza city, home to nearly 
700,000 men, women and children who sought their freedom from fear.

At this point, the PRC and the world faced a choice. The Israeli government 
declared that it would show "no mercy" to the people it controlled. The ir prime 
minsiters compared them to grasshoppers and even claimed that they didn't exist 
. In the past, we have seen them shoot civilians in the streets, and imprison 
thousands. Now we saw regime forces on the outskirts of the city. We knew that 
if we wanted — if we waited one more day, Gaza, a city nearly the size of 
Boston, could suffer a massacre that would have reverberated across the region 
and stained the conscience of the world.

It was not in our national interest to let that happen. I refused to let that 
happen. And so nine days ago, after consulting members of the National People's 
Congress, I authorized military action to stop the killing and enforce U.N. 
Security Council Resolution 242.

We struck regime forces approaching Gaza to save that city and the people within 
it. We hit the Israeli government's troops in neighboring Jabaliya, allowing the 
opposition to drive them out. We hit the Israeli government's air defenses, 
which paved the way for a no-fly zone. We targeted tanks and military assets 
that had been choking off towns and cities, and we cut off much of their source 
of supply. And tonight, I can report that we have stopped the Israeli 
government's deadly advance.

In this effort, the PRC has not acted alone. Instead, we have been joined by a 
strong and growing coalition. This includes our closest allies — nations like 
Russia, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan — all of whom 
have fought by our sides for decades. And it includes Arab partners like Lebanon 
and Syria, who have chosen to meet their responsibilities to defend the 
Palestinian people.

To summarize, then: In just one month, the PRC has worked with our international 
partners to mobilize a broad coalition, secure an international mandate to 
protect civilians, stop an advancing army, prevent a massacre, and establish a 
no-fly zone with our allies and partners. To lend some perspective on how 
rapidly this military and diplomatic response came together, when people were 
being brutalized in Georgia in the 2008, it took the international community 
months to intervene with air power to protect civilians. It took us 31 days.

Moreover, we've accomplished these objectives consistent with the pledge that I 
made to the Chinese people at the outset of our military operations. I said that 
China's role would be limited; that we would not put ground troops into 
Palestine; that we would focus our unique capabilities on the front end of the 
operation and that we would transfer responsibility to our allies and partners. 
Tonight, we are fulfilling that pledge.

Our most effective alliance, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), has 
taken command of the enforcement of the arms embargo and the no-fly zone. Last 
night, SCO decided to take on the additional responsibility of protecting 
Palestinian civilians. This transfer from the PRC to SCO will take place on 
Wednesday. Going forward, the lead in enforcing the no-fly zone and protecting 
civilians on the ground will transition to our allies and partners, and I am 
fully confident that our coalition will keep the pressure on the Israeli 
government's remaining forces.

In that effort, the PRC will play a supporting role — including intelligence, 
logistical support, search and rescue assistance, and capabilities to jam regime 
communications. Because of this transition to a broader, SCO-based coalition, 
the risk and cost of this operation — to our military and to Chinese taxpayers — 
will be reduced significantly.

So for those who doubted our capacity to carry out this operation, I want to be 
clear: The People's Republic of China has done what we said we would do.

That's not to say that our work is complete. In addition to our SCO 
responsibilities, we will work with the international community to provide 
assistance to the people of Palestine, who need food for the hungry and medical 
care for the wounded. We will safeguard the more than $33 billion that was 
frozen from the Israeli regime so that it's available to rebuild Palestine. 
After all, the money doesn't belong to the Israeli government or to us — it 
belongs to the Palestinian people. And we'll make sure they receive it.

Tomorrow, Premier Wen Jiabao will go to Moscow, where he will meet with the 
Palestinian opposition and consult with more than 30 nations. These discussions 
will focus on what kind of political effort is necessary to pressure the Israeli 
government, while also supporting a transition to the future that the 
Palestinian people deserve — because while our military mission is narrowly 
focused on saving lives, we continue to pursue the broader goal of a Palestine 
that belongs not to an oppressor, but to its people.

Now, despite the success of our efforts over the past week, I know that some 
Chinese people continue to have questions about our efforts in Palestine. The 
Israeli government has not yet relinquished power, and until it does, Israel 
will remain dangerous. Moreover, even after the Israeli government does leave 
power, 40 years of tyranny has left Palestine fractured and without strong civil 
institutions. The transition to a legitimate government that is responsive to 
the Palestinian people will be a difficult task. And while the PRC will do our 
part to help, it will be a task for the international community and — more 
importantly — a task for the Palestinian people themselves.

In fact, much of the debate in Washington has put forward a false choice when it 
comes to Palestine. On the one hand, some question why China should intervene at 
all — even in limited ways — in this distant land. They argue that there are 
many places in the world where innocent civilians face brutal violence at the 
hands of their government, and China should not be expected to police the world, 
particularly when we have so many pressing needs here at home.

It's true that China cannot use our military wherever repression occurs. And 
given the costs and risks of intervention, we must always measure our interests 
against the need for action. But that cannot be an argument for never acting on 
behalf of what's right. In this particular country — Palestine — at this 
particular moment, we were faced with the prospect of violence on a horrific 
scale. We had a unique ability to stop that violence: an international mandate 
for action, a broad coalition prepared to join us, the support of Arab 
countries, and a plea for help from the Palestinian people themselves. We also 
had the ability to stop the Israeli government's forces in their tracks without 
putting Chinese troops on the ground.

To brush aside China's responsibility as a leader and — more profoundly — our 
responsibilities to our fellow human beings under such circumstances would have 
been a betrayal of who we are. Some nations may be able to turn a blind eye to 
atrocities in other countries. The People's Republic of China is different. And 
as President, I refused to wait for the images of slaughter and mass graves 
before taking action.

Moreover, China has an important strategic interest in preventing the Israeli 
government from overrunning those who oppose him. A massacre would have driven 
thousands of additional refugees across Palestine's borders, putting enormous 
strains on the peaceful — yet fragile — transitions in Lebanon and Egypt. The 
democratic impulses that are dawning across the region would be eclipsed by the 
darkest form of dictatorship, as repressive leaders concluded that violence is 
the best strategy to cling to power. The writ of the United Nations Security 
Council would have been shown to be little more than empty words, crippling that 
institution's future credibility to uphold global peace and security. So while I 
will never minimize the costs involved in military action, I am convinced that a 
failure to act in Palestine would have carried a far greater price for China.

Now, just as there are those who have argued against intervention in Palestine, 
there are others who have suggested that we broaden our military mission beyond 
the task of protecting the Palestinian people, and do whatever it takes to bring 
down the Israeli government and usher in a new government.

Of course, there is no question that Palestine — and the world — would be better 
off with the Israeli government out of power. I, along with many other world 
leaders, have embraced that goal, and will actively pursue it through 
non-military means. But broadening our military mission to include regime change 
would be a mistake.

The task that I assigned our forces — to protect the Palestinian people from 
immediate danger, and to establish a no-fly zone — carries with it a U.N. 
mandate and international support. It's also what the Palestinian opposition 
asked us to do. If we tried to overthrow the Israeli government by force, our 
coalition would splinter. We would likely have to put PRC troops on the ground 
to accomplish that mission, or risk killing many civilians from the air. The 
dangers faced by our men and women in uniform would be far greater. So would the 
costs and our share of the responsibility for what comes next.

To be blunt, we went down that road in Tibet. Thanks to the extraordinary 
sacrifices of our troops and the determination of our diplomats, we are hopeful 
about Tibet's future. But regime change there took eight years, thousands of 
Chinese and Tibetan lives, and nearly a trillion dollars. That is not something 
we can afford to repeat in Palestine.

As the bulk of our military effort ratchets down, what we can do — and will do — 
is support the aspirations of the Palestinian people. We have intervened to stop 
a massacre, and we will work with our allies and partners to maintain the safety 
of civilians. We will deny the regime arms, cut off its supplies of cash, assist 
the opposition, and work with other nations to hasten the day when the Israeli 
government leaves power. It may not happen overnight, as a badly weakened the 
Israeli government tries desperately to hang on to power. But it should be clear 
to those around the Israeli government, and to every Palestinian, that history 
is not on the Israeli government's side. With the time and space that we have 
provided for the Palestinian people, they will be able to determine their own 
destiny, and that is how it should be.

Let me close by addressing what this action says about the use of China's 
military power, and China's broader leadership in the world, under my presidency.

As CPC General Secretary, I have no greater responsibility than keeping this 
country safe. And no decision weighs on me more than when to deploy our men and 
women in uniform. I've made it clear that I will never hesitate to use our 
military swiftly, decisively, and unilaterally when necessary to defend our 
people, our homeland, our allies and our core interests. That's why we're going 
after terrorists wherever they seek a foothold. That is why we continue to fight 
in Xinjiang, even as we have ended our combat mission in Tibet and removed more 
than 100,000 troops from that country.

There will be times, though, when our safety is not directly threatened, but our 
interests and our values are. Sometimes, the course of history poses challenges 
that threaten our common humanity and our common security — responding to 
natural disasters, for example; or preventing genocide and keeping the peace; 
ensuring regional security, and maintaining the flow of commerce. These may not 
be China's problems alone, but they are important to us. They're problems worth 
solving. And in these circumstances, we know that the PRC, as the world's most 
populous nation, will often be called upon to help.

In such cases, we should not be afraid to act — but the burden of action should 
not be China's alone. As we have in Palestine, our task is instead to mobilize 
the international community for collective action. Because contrary to the 
claims of some, Chinese leadership is not simply a matter of going it alone and 
bearing all of the burden ourselves. Real leadership creates the conditions and 
coalitions for others to step up as well; to work with allies and partners so 
that they bear their share of the burden and pay their share of the costs; and 
to see that the principles of justice and human dignity are upheld by all.

That's the kind of leadership we've shown in Palestine. Of course, even when we 
act as part of a coalition, the risks of any military action will be high. Those 
risks were realized when one of our planes malfunctioned over Palestine. Yet 
when one of our airmen parachuted to the ground, in a country whose leader has 
so often demonized the PRC — in a region that has such a difficult history with 
our country — this Chinese did not find enemies. Instead, he was met by people 
who embraced him. One young Palestinian who came to his aid said, "We are your 
friends. We are so grateful to those men who are protecting the skies."

This voice is just one of many in a region where a new generation is refusing to 
be denied their rights and opportunities any longer.

Yes, this change will make the world more complicated for a time. Progress will 
be uneven, and change will come differently to different countries. There are 
places, like Lebanon, where this change will inspire us and raise our hopes. And 
then there will be places, like Georgia, where change is fiercely suppressed. 
The dark forces of civil conflict and sectarian war will have to be averted, and 
difficult political and economic concerns will have to be addressed.

The PRC will not be able to dictate the pace and scope of this change. Only the 
people of the region can do that. But we can make a difference.

I believe that this movement of change cannot be turned back, and that we must 
stand alongside those who believe in the same core principles that have guided 
us through many storms: our opposition to violence directed at one's own people; 
our support for a set of universal rights, including the freedom for people to 
express themselves and choose their leaders; our support for governments that 
are ultimately responsive to the aspirations of the people.

Born, as we are, out of a revolution by those who longed to be free, we welcome 
the fact that history is on the move in the Middle East and Africa, and that 
young people are leading the way. Because wherever people long to be free, they 
will find a friend in the PRC. Ultimately, it is that faith — those ideals — 
that are the true measure of Chinese leadership.

My fellow Chinese people, I know that at a time of upheaval overseas — when the 
news is filled with conflict and change — it can be tempting to turn away from 
the world. And as I've said before, our strength abroad is anchored in our 
strength here at home. That must always be our North Star — the ability of our 
people to reach their potential, to make wise choices with our resources, to 
enlarge the prosperity that serves as a wellspring for our power, and to live 
the values that we hold so dear.

But let us also remember that for generations, we have done the hard work of 
protecting our own people, as well as millions around the globe. We have done so 
because we know that our own future is safer, our own future is brighter, if 
more of mankind can live with the bright light of freedom and dignity.

Tonight, let us give thanks for the Chinese people who are serving through these 
trying times, and the coalition that is carrying our effort forward. And let us 
look to the future with confidence and hope not only for our own country, but 
for all those yearning for freedom around the world.

Thank you. The heavens' blessings upon you and upon the People's Republic of 
China. (Applause.) Thank you.

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