[Peace-discuss] No permanent enemies, just permanent interests

E. Wayne Johnson ewj at pigsqq.org
Fri Jul 27 12:27:50 UTC 2012


No doubt he's one of them there "Domestick Terror-ists".

And like that guy Hemingway, and now, D. J., he's been down there in Cuba,
yes he has, and doing who-knows-what.

Eatin' them chilly peppers, drinking that foreign beer, smokin' them 
ill-eagle see-gars...

Hell, I'd bet half of them Cubans ain't even Mexican.

A bit suspicious, at the least, if ya wuz ta ask me.



On 7/27/2012 7:37 PM, C. G. Estabrook wrote:
> Funny as always, if perhaps unfair to Sean Penn, who was good in "Gone 
> Baby Gone," even if he couldn't get the accent right. (Tim Robbins did.)
>
> And AFAIK he's a sworn enemy only of Madonna, as who wouldn't be...?
>
>
> On Jul 27, 2012, at 6:14 AM, E. Wayne Johnson wrote:
>
>> I'd like to see an option on the 1040 form to donate a
>> to the terrorist organization of one's choice.
>>
>> 42.  Would you like to donate $2  to one of the following terrorist 
>> organizations?
>>         If so, please check one (only one):
>>
>>        ( )  al-Qaeda
>>        ( )  Hamas
>>        ( )  Sinn Fein
>>        ( )  Sean Penn
>>        ( )  Drunken Rednecks with Guns
>>        ( )  AIPAC
>>
>> *
>> Ok, ok.  Some of those are sworn enemies of the American people.
>> Which makes them no different from the presidential candidates.
>>
>> *
>>
>> 43.  Have you ever had the Chicken Pox?
>>
>>      ( ) y  ( ) n
>>
>>      If so, how many? _________
>>
>>
>> On 7/27/2012 6:39 PM, C. G. Estabrook wrote:
>>> "BAN, BAN, TALIBAN / HAS A NEW MASTER: GET A NEW MAN"
>>>
>>> The ironies are replete. The US, surreptitiously fighting on the 
>>> side of al-Qaeda to overthrow the Alewite government in Syria, is 
>>> quietly arranging with the Taliban to oppose together al-Qaeda in 
>>> Afghanistan, according to Anatol Lieven.
>>>
>>> AQ owes its existence to the US, descending as it does from the 
>>> fanatical and ruthless Islamists whom the Carter administration 
>>> gathered together and sent into Afghanistan in the 1970s (before the 
>>> Russian invasion) "to give to the USSR its Vietnam war," as Zbigniew 
>>> Brzezinski, Carter's National Security Adviser, said. "What is 
>>> most important to the history of the world?" he asked later. "The 
>>> Taliban or the collapse of the Soviet empire? Some stirred-up 
>>> Moslems or the liberation of Central Europe and the end of the cold 
>>> war?"
>>>
>>> When the stirred-up Muslims counterattacked on 9/11/2001 for a 
>>> generation of US depredations of the Mideast - for murderous 
>>> sanctions against Iraq, suppression of the Palestinians, and the 
>>> military investment of Saudi Arabia, as AQ claimed - the US launched 
>>> what George Bush called a "crusade" against "terrorists" - i.e., 
>>> against the armed opposition to a generation-long US attempt to 
>>> control the energy producing regions of the world.
>>>
>>> But the terrorists are not homogeneous, and Lieven points here to 
>>> the gap between the Afghan national resistance to foreign invasion - 
>>> the Taliban - and the international terrorist groups, like al-Qaeda. 
>>> "... on certain key issues the Taliban leadership and the US 
>>> administration are far closer than most analysts believe. The chief 
>>> obstacle to a peace settlement is likely to come not from Taliban 
>>> links to al-Qaeda but rather from the question of how to divide up 
>>> power within Afghanistan."
>>>
>>> US policy - as flexible in strategy as it is in ethics, as torture 
>>> and assassination make clear - is consistent as to goals: the 
>>> Obama administration will work both with and against al-Qaeda, the 
>>> great Satan of the War on Terrorism (or as the Obamanians prefer to 
>>> call their broader and more brutal version, "overseas 
>>> contingency operations") its object all sublime to achieve in time - 
>>> control of the Mideast.  --CGE
>>>
>>> ========
>>> /http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/45b83f50-d59b-11e1-af40-00144feabdc0.html#axzz21obxqphU/
>>>
>>> July 25, 2012 7:57 pm
>>> Lessons from my talks with the Taliban
>>> By Anatol Lieven
>>>
>>> To judge by discussions I had with figures close to the Afghan 
>>> Taliban in Dubai last week, on certain key issues the Taliban 
>>> leadership and the US administration are far closer than most 
>>> analysts believe. The chief obstacle to a peace settlement is likely 
>>> to come not from Taliban links to al-Qaeda but rather from the 
>>> question of how to divide up power within Afghanistan.
>>> My colleagues and I spoke with four people: two former members of 
>>> the Taliban government (one of them a founder member of 
>>> the movement), a senior former Mujahedin commander with close ties 
>>> to the Taliban, and a non-official Afghan mediator with the 
>>> Taliban. All emphasised the realism of the Taliban leadership, born 
>>> of their experiences of the past decade, and their willingness to 
>>> break with al-Qaeda and exclude it and other international terrorist 
>>> groups from areas under their control.
>>> All said that Taliban commanders and fighters would accept such an 
>>> order if it came from Mullah Omar. A former Taliban minister 
>>> said that reports of a continued presence of al-Qaeda elements could 
>>> be referred to a joint commission of Isaf, the Taliban and the 
>>> Afghan government, which would verify the reports and decide what 
>>> action to take.
>>> Such action might even be taken by US troops within Afghanistan. 
>>> For perhaps the most striking thing to emerge from our 
>>> discussions was that three of our four interviewees said the Taliban 
>>> would consider agreeing to US bases and military advisers in 
>>> Afghanistan after 2014 – something that contradicts every previous 
>>> Taliban statement.
>>> However, all our interviewees emphasised that the Taliban would only 
>>> agree to this as part of an overall peace settlement and that 
>>> they “will never accept anything that looks like surrender”. They 
>>> also all said the Taliban would be willing to commit to continuing 
>>> existing health and education programmes, including for women, as 
>>> long as separation of men and women was guaranteed.
>>> This new pragmatism includes acceptance of the present 
>>> Afghan constitution. All our interlocutors said the Taliban had no 
>>> serious problem with the constitution as such – but would never 
>>> agree to it as a precondition of talks, as hitherto demanded by 
>>> Washington. They expect the constitution to be debated and approved 
>>> as part of a national debate including themselves.
>>> All this is very encouraging. However, it reflects something else, 
>>> which is essential for a settlement, but much more problematic. 
>>> The Taliban like the present, highly centralised constitution 
>>> because they want a strong central government in which they will 
>>> play a leading part. They do not expect this to be an exclusive 
>>> part. Three interviewees said the Taliban knew they could not govern 
>>> without other forces’ participation, and that government must 
>>> include educated technocrats. They want a strong national army – 
>>> even one trained by the US – to hold Afghanistan together, prevent a 
>>> return to warlord rule and deter interference by neighbours.
>>> But with whom would the Taliban be willing to share power? 
>>> Our interviewees said that the Taliban recognised the need to 
>>> guarantee a share of power to other groups from the existing regime, 
>>> but were vague on which those groups might be. All said that 
>>> particular “very corrupt and brutal people” would be utterly 
>>> unacceptable, but that others, less compromised, could take part.
>>> Above all, they stressed the Taliban will never 
>>> accept Hamid Karzai as a legitimate interlocutor, or participate in 
>>> a grand national assembly or national elections while he is 
>>> president. They fear – with good reason, given his record – that he 
>>> would rig these processes.
>>> So this apparent new pragmatism leaves two huge questions open. 
>>> The first is whether the Taliban could possibly agree to the US 
>>> using bases in Afghanistan to continue drone attacks 
>>> and raids against al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Such an 
>>> agreement would outrage many Pashtuns and give Pakistan a strong 
>>> motive to wreck any peace settlement through its allies in the 
>>> Haqqani network; while our interviewees stressed the Taliban’s 
>>> obedience to Mullah Omar and his comrades, they were studiously 
>>> evasive about the Haqqanis.
>>> The second question is whether, or how, Washington could agree to 
>>> force its existing Afghan allies to accept a deal with the Taliban 
>>> that would exclude many of them from power. Would a promise of 
>>> luxurious retirement to the US or the Gulf be enough to persuade them?
>>> Above all, any settlement will end the rule of Mr Karzai and his 
>>> clan. An agreement on this between Washington and the Taliban is 
>>> not impossible, given the contempt for Mr Karzai felt by many 
>>> leading US officials and soldiers. Many in Washington oppose the 
>>> idea of him trying to arrange a succession to the presidency for a 
>>> family member.
>>> So there seems real room for agreement on a caretaker government 
>>> of neutral figures to supervise constitutional discussions leading 
>>> to elections. But with the next elections due in 2014, there is not 
>>> much time to lose. As soon as the US presidential elections are 
>>> over, Washington should do its best to open substantial talks with 
>>> the Taliban and find out whether what we heard in Dubai really 
>>> does represent their position and can be the basis for peace.
>>> /The writer is a professor in the War Studies Department of 
>>> King’s College London. His latest book is ‘Pakistan: A Hard Country’/
>>>
>>>
>>>
>>>
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