[Peace-discuss] Lie: Drones Are Not A Better Way Of War

David Johnson via Peace-discuss peace-discuss at lists.chambana.net
Mon Jun 2 08:14:03 EDT 2014


  Lie: Drones Are Not A Better Way Of War

1dronev
Resist! <http://www.popularresistance.org/category/resist/> Drones 
<http://www.popularresistance.org/tag/drones/>, Wars and Militarism 
<http://www.popularresistance.org/tag/wars-and-militarism/>
By Brian Terrell, www.vcnv.org 
<http://vcnv.org/force-protection-alpha-in-effect>
June 1st, 2014
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Above photo: A victim of a drone attack in Pakistan. Daniel Berehulak/Getty


    Force Protection Alpha in Effect.

On April 15, 2014, when the story broke on the world that the Central 
Intelligence Agency's covert program of assassination by remotely 
controlled drones is not distinct from the drone program of the U.S. Air 
Force as we had been told, I was on the "Sacred Peace Walk," an event 
sponsored each spring by the Nevada Desert Experience, a 70 mile trek 
from Las Vegas to the Nevada Nuclear Test Site. Creech Air Force Base is 
along the way and we had already made plans for a protest there the next 
morning. While the CIA's drone program is shrouded in secrecy, the Air 
Force supposedly has been using drones strictly as a weapon for waging 
war against combatants in recognized areas of conflict such as 
Afghanistan and formerly in Iraq, under a chain of command that is 
accountable to elected officials. Some who condemn the CIA's 
assassinations by drones as illegal give a pass to or even laud the Air 
Force use of drones as a more restrained way to fight war.

This distinction has now been exposed as a lie. In a new documentary 
film released in Europe, "Drone," former Air Force drone operators, 
veterans of a super-secret Squadron 17 at Creech Air Force Base in 
Nevada, reveal that "it's always been the Air Force that flies" the 
CIA's missions, "the CIA might be the customer, but the Air Force has 
always flown it."

The fact that airmen at Creech are carrying out assassination missions 
and extrajudicial executions far from declared zones of conflict on 
orders from unknown and unnamable bureaucrats did not come as a 
surprise. Neither was the news a "game changer" in regard to the actions 
we had planned, although we quickly revised the indictment listing the 
war crimes committed at Creech that some of us would attempt to deliver 
to the base commander.

My arrest at Creech along with eight others on April 16 was a "return to 
the scene of the crime" (the Air Force's crime, not mine) for me, as I 
was among the "Creech 14" in April 2009, the first nonviolent direct 
action against drones in the U.S. Creech was then one of only a few 
sites from which drones were controlled by the U.S. and by the United 
Kingdom, which has a wing of the Royal Air Force stationed there to fly 
their own drones. Since then the use of armed drones has been 
proliferating around the world and so has the number of drone operation 
bases in communities around the U.S. My work with Voices for Creative 
Nonviolence has brought me to the scenes of the crime in Afghanistan, 
the CIA headquarters at Langley, Virginia and at the gates of drone 
bases in New York, Iowa, Missouri and in England as well.

The latest revelation is but the exposure of one more lie, one more 
layer of criminality and venality of this corrupt and dangerous program. 
Over the years since April 2009, the promises of a new era of better war 
through drone technology have been steadily unravelling, each of them 
proving false. It is increasingly clear that rather than limiting the 
scope of war, drones are expanding and proliferating it, killing more 
civilians both on battlefields and far from them, endangering our 
soldiers and the safety of our communities. Instead of keeping the 
horrors of war at a safe distance, drones bring the war home in 
unprecedented ways.

President Obama, in an address before the National Defense University 
May 23, 2013, described this new technology as more precise and by 
implication more humane than other weaponry: "By narrowly targeting our 
action against those who want to kill us and not the people they hide 
among, we are choosing the course of action least likely to result in 
the loss of innocent life." There is an understandable appeal to the 
idea of a weapon that can discriminate between the good and the bad 
people and limit regrettable "collateral damage." It is understandable 
too, that a nation weary of sending its sons and daughters to fight on 
battlefields far away, risking injury, death or the debilitating effects 
of post-traumatic stress, might look to embrace a new method of war 
whereby the warriors fights battles from safe distances. Thousands of 
miles beyond the reach of the enemy, drone combatants often do not even 
have to leave their hometowns and are able to return to homes and 
families at the end of a shift.

In his National Defense University speech, the president contended that 
"conventional airpower and missiles are far less precise than drones, 
and likely to cause more civilian casualties and local outrage." A few 
weeks later a study published by the same National Defense University 
refuted his claim. Drone strikes in Afghanistan, the study found, were 
"an order of magnitude more likely to result in civilian casualties per 
engagement." Despite the president's assurances to the contrary, drone 
strikes cause immense "local outrage" in the countries where they 
happen, turning America's allies into enemies. "What scares me about 
drone strikes is how they are perceived around the world," said former 
commander of US and NATO forces in Afghanistan General Stanley 
McChrystal. "The resentment created by American use of unmanned strikes 
... is much greater than the average American appreciates. They are 
hated on a visceral level, even by people who've never seen one or seen 
the effects of one."

Former defense secretary Robert M. Gates also warns of the seductive 
power and precision of armed drones that leads many to perceive war as a 
"bloodless, painless and odorless" affair. "Remarkable advances in 
precision munitions, sensors, information and satellite technology and 
more can make us overly enamored with the ability of technology to 
transform the traditional laws and limits of war. A button is pushed in 
Nevada and seconds later a pickup truck explodes in Kandahar." Defense 
experts and policy makers, Gates warns, have come to view drone warfare 
as a "kind of video game or action movie. . . . In reality, war is 
inevitably tragic, inefficient and uncertain." General Mike Hostage, 
chief of the US Air Combat Command, claims that while weaponized drones 
are useful in assassinations of terror suspects, they are impractical in 
combat. "Predators and Reapers are useless in a contested environment," 
Hostage said.

Some enlisted personnel are also questioning the use of drones. Heather 
Linebaugh, a drone operator for the US Air Force for three years says: 
"Whenever I read comments by politicians defending the Unmanned Aerial 
Vehicle Predator and Reaper program -- aka drones -- I wish I could ask 
them a few questions. I'd start with: 'How many women and children have 
you seen incinerated by a Hellfire missile?' And: 'How many men have you 
seen crawl across a field, trying to make it to the nearest compound for 
help while bleeding out from severed legs?' Or even more pointedly: 'How 
many soldiers have you seen die on the side of a road in Afghanistan 
because our ever-so-accurate UAVs were unable to detect an IED 
[improvised explosive device] that awaited their convoy?'"

Distance from the battlefield does not isolate soldiers from 
post-traumatic stress or the moral injury of war. Heather Linebaugh 
speaks of two friends and colleagues who committed suicide and another 
former drone operator, Brandon Bryant, said that his work had made him 
into a "heartless sociopath." While drone pilots are at a greater 
distance from their victims than other soldiers, he says, the video feed 
they watch brings them closer: "Artillery doesn't see the results of 
their actions. It's really more intimate for us, because we see everything."

The Air Force is relegating much of its drone operations to Air National 
Guard units in various states, creating virtual war zones in local 
communities. "In an F-16, your whole mission was to train to go to war," 
said a pilot of an Ohio Air Guard wing that made a conversion from 
fighters to drones. "In this mission, we go to war every day." Foreign 
postings of state National Guard units are usually made public, but 
where in the world these citizen soldiers will be fighting from now on 
will be shrouded in secrecy, hidden even from their families. Reason and 
the rules of war both suggest that assassinations and acts of war on 
sovereign nations carried on by local National Guard units will make 
their communities into legitimate targets of war.

Drone warfare is based on the lie that war can be made more exact, 
limited and humane through technology. Our civilian and military 
authorities, proliferating drone attacks around the globe from more and 
more American bases, are acting recklessly and in defiance of domestic 
and international law. They are acting without regard for the safety and 
well-being of our troops, of American civilians or of people in faraway 
places who otherwise would mean us no harm. Rather than limiting war, 
being an answer, drones perpetuate and multiply the horrors of war and 
bring them home into our communities.

As our band of walkers approached Creech Air Force Base on the morning 
of April 16, we were greeted by a large sign at the gate that read 
"Force Protection Alpha in Effect," announcing that the base was in its 
highest security alert. We were also met by an impressive contingent of 
military police and sheriff's officers, heavily armed and some on 
horseback, which easily exceeded in number our little band that left Las 
Vegas on foot four days earlier. These public servants were clearly 
responding to a perceived threat to public safety and so were we. Our 
purposes were disjointed, though, in that we were at Creech in response 
to a clear and present danger presented by the murderous crimes of 
Squadron 17 somewhere in the depth of this desert outpost. The official 
and ostensible law enforcement squad, on the other hand, was there in 
response to the threat that a few unarmed citizens might step across an 
arbitrary and ever shifting line on the pavement.

Brian at Creech AFB: Photo credit: John Amidon

Brian at Creech AFB: Photo credit: John Amidon

I write this on my way to Kansas City, where, this weekend, good and 
faithful friends will go to nearby Whiteman Air Force Base to confront 
the predator drones based there. A few days later, Voices for Creative 
Nonviolence and friends will start walking from Boeing corporate 
headquarters in Chicago (a major drone contractor) 160 miles to Battle 
Creek, Michigan, where a National Guard unit is poised to begin 
operating predator drones over far away skies. "Force Protection Alpha" 
is truly "in Effect" and people in Yemen, Pakistan, and Afghanistan as 
well as communities in the U.S. and Europe are responding to the emergency.

Brian Terrell is a Co-coordinator of Voices for Creative Nonviolence and 
lives on a Catholic Worker farm in Maloy, Iowa_


      Related Posts:

  * Drones Coming To NYPD?
    <http://www.popularresistance.org/drones-coming-to-nypd/>May 21, 2014
  * 'Fly Kites, Not Drones'
    <http://www.popularresistance.org/fly-kites-not-drones/>April 14, 2014
  * Anti-War Activists Confront Drones Advocate
    <http://www.popularresistance.org/anti-war-activists-confront-drones-advocate/>February
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  * Three Clergy, Two Veteranss Arrested Protesting Drones at Beale
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    <http://www.popularresistance.org/three-clergy-two-veteranss-arrested-protesting-drones-at-beale-air-force-base/>March
    6, 2014
  * 7 Arrested Today At Drone Protest
    <http://www.popularresistance.org/7-arrested-today-at-drone-protest/>April
    11, 2014

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