[Dryerase] Alarm!--War Notes
The Alarm!Newswire
wires at the-alarm.com
Fri Sep 6 22:49:22 CDT 2002
War Notes
by sasha k
The Alarm! Newspaper contributor
Losing Steam?
After months of feeding the media “frenzy”—as Secretary of Defense
Donald Rumsfeld likes to call it—with war talk, Bush is now claiming to
be a “patient man” when it comes to dealing with Iraq and Saddam
Hussein. Ari Fleischer, the White House spokesperson, went so far as
to argue that there is “no one beating a war drum.” Is the spectacular
power that the Bush Administration—particularly its hawks like Rumsfeld
and Vice President Dick Cheney—gained from 9/11 finally wearing off?
In the international arena it certainly is. Even Britain, the sole
power still wholeheartedly supporting the US, is beginning to change
its tune. Removing Saddam Hussein “is not an object of British foreign
policy,” said British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw on August 22. The
resumption of UN weapon inspections, on the other hand, is the center
piece of British policy. This shift from complete to qualified support
is a significant change of stance, or at least of marketing, and it
comes as Prime Minister Tony Blair is facing mounting opposition from
within his own Labour Party.
Even in the domestic arena Bush, or rather Rumsfeld and Cheney, seem to
be losing their touch, and the most serious questioning has come from
members of the Republican Party. Of course, few of these recent
critics are against the war per se, it is more a question of how the
war is packaged. The first serious shot—and, of the Republicans,
probably the most inimical to the war in Iraq—came from Brent
Scowcroft, former National Security Advisor for Bush senior. Scowcroft
argued that war with Iraq would seriously disrupt the international war
on terrorism because it does not command sufficient international
support. None other than Henry Kissinger has also questioned the way
the war is being packaged, stating, “The notion of justified
pre-emption runs counter to modern international law, which sanctions
the use of force in self-defense only against actual—not
potential—threats.”
James Baker III, secretary of state from 1989 to 1992, stated in a New
York Times op-ed that, “although the United States could certainly
succeed, we should try our best not to have to go it alone, and the
president should reject the advice of those who counsel doing so. The
costs in all areas will be much greater, as will the political risks,
both domestic and international, if we end up going it alone or with
only one or two other countries.” Therefore, Baker argued, the US
should push for a new UN Security Council resolution requiring Iraq to
allow weapons inspections. This move would build international support
for an attack if and when Iraq failed to allow inspectors full access,
according to Baker.
It is interesting that the Democrats have actually been making less
noise against the war than many prominent Republicans. In this
election year the Democrats are looking to be seen as patriotically
pro-war, though in a more responsible way than the White House hawks.
First and foremost, they are asking that the president seek
Congressional approval before the war is launched. In addition, they
want the president to gain more international support and to explain
the costs of the war. The telling phrase most often heard in Congress,
however, is that the president must “make the case.” Again, with the
Democrats as with the Republicans, it is the matter of PR and
salesmanship that counts the most.
Making the Case
In a world where image is all important, the hawks, of course, have
been hitting back. Condoleeza Rice was the first to return fire in a
moralistic August 15 speech, the argument of which—in typical Bush
language—can be summed up as, “Saddam is EVIL.” But as we move further
away from 9/11, “evil” alone no longer seems a very convincing
argument. Increasingly, there is a demand for evidence of real present
danger.
With Bush returning to Washington from his month-long vacation,
Rumsfeld and Cheney have hit the road making speeches intended to shore
up the hawk’s position. No new details emerged in their war rantings.
In fact, vagueness itself was offered as as evidence of evil: “the
absence of evidence is not the evidence of absence,” said Rumsfeld to
support the charge that Iraq has a significant arsenal of weapons of
mass destruction. The administration has also tried to claim that Iraq
is harboring al Qaeda members, failing to mention that they are based
in Kurdish-controlled regions, not in areas Hussein’s army dominates.
So why are we about to go to war? What are we going to war for?
(scenario two):
The hawks are not the only ones working in the public relations
business. The government of Saudi Arabia, stung by recent suggestions
that it is the real enemy of the US, has started its own advertising
campaign that included a trip by Saudi ambassador Prince Bandar bin
Sultan down to the Texas ranch. US-Saudi relations are worse than ever.
Differences over Bush’s desire for war in Iraq and the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict have strained relations. And it hasn’t
helped that fifteen of the nineteen September 11 hijackers were Saudi
citizens. This has prompted a $3 trillion dollar lawsuit against the
Saudis by victims of the attacks in Washington, New York and
Pennsylvania.
Worse still, a report made to the influential Defense Policy Board by
the private RAND Corporation called the Saudis an emerging enemy, and
urged the US to target Saudi oil fields and financial assets if the
Saudis didn’t stop funding Islamic fundamentalism. (Can you imagine if
the Saudis claimed they were going to attack Texas oil fields if
American conservatives didn’t stop funding Christian fundamentalists?)
The report, leaked to the Washington Post, went as far as stating that
“Saudi [Arabia] is the kernel of evil, the prime mover, the most
dangerous opponent in the Middle East.”
The Bush administration was quick to distance itself from the report,
stating the importance of the Saudi-US relationship. But perhaps there
is more to the strained relationship than we would like to admit.
And, no matter the protests and public relations campaigns, even many
Saudis are are beginning to ask hard questions. “It is necessary to
hold a national dialogue on the future of our ties with the United
States because we are getting repeated signals from Washington that
they no longer see our relations in the same way,” according to an
editorial in the conservative Riyadh daily newspaper. Yet, maybe it
isn’t the US that needs to worry, but the Saudis.
The Saudi-US relationship is built on a rather simple deal: the US will
protect the Saudis in return for a stable and relatively cheap supply
of oil. The US is continually looking for a way out of this deal, but
with the Saudis controlling the world’s largest oil reserves the US
hasn’t found much room to maneuver. But if the US took control of Iraq
through a US-managed regime change, neighboring Saudi Arabia would be
in a much weaker position. Not only would the US control the Iraqi oil
supply (with which it could flood the market in order to control the
Saudis), but it would be able to base a huge military force in Iraq,
poised on the Saudi border. A US puppet in Iraq is the best scenario
for the US to change the balance of power with the Saudis, so it is no
wonder that the Saudis are against the war.
Luckily for the Saudis, almost no other country seems willing to go
along with the US plan. However, hawks like Rumsfeld, Cheney and,
increasingly, Bush himself might just be crazy enough to go it alone
after all.
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