[Peace-discuss] Moore doesn't even come close to uncovering
the intrigue of 9/11
ndahlhei at uiuc.edu
ndahlhei at uiuc.edu
Sat Jul 31 16:39:44 CDT 2004
Moore doesn't even come close to uncovering the intrigue of
9/11. Moore is brave for openly discussing the ties of Bush
with the Saudis and how the bin Ladens flew out of the
country while the rest of America's planes were downed.
But, it goes much deeper than this. . .
Check this article out from the Common Dreams News Center by
Fran Shor, a member of the Wayne State University Faculty in
Detroit, Michigan and a major anti-war activist with the
Michigan Coalition on Human Rights.
Follow the Money:
Bush, 9/11, and Deep Threat
by Fran Shor
"What did the President know and when did he know it?" This
question, evocative of the Watergate investigation, is now
being posed by politicians and pundits seeking to determine
what information the Bush Administration had prior to the
incidents of September 11, 2001. No amount of denial and
back-pedaling by the Bush Administration can cover up the
fact that Bush had advance knowledge of possible terror
attacks on US targets by the followers of Osama bin Laden.
While it's clear that Bush was personally briefed on August
6, 2001 about the possibility of those attacks, it remains
unclear about the nature and extent of precautions, if any,
taken to prevent such attacks.
Nonetheless, there is a welter of material that points to
the Bush Administration's obstruction and neglect of
important leads to link bin Laden to operations in the
United States. Moreover, in the months and weeks leading up
to 9/11 there were warnings and signs that some members of
the Administration and its national security apparatus were
anticipating something horrendous. In the aftermath of 9/11
the Bush Administration mobilized the war machine and
repressive legislation to promote policies that secured its
economic and ideological agenda. Thus, a more intriguing and
significant question is: in light of what the Bush
Administration gained from the fall-out of 9/11, how was
that gain embedded in the actions and inactions by the Bush
Administration prior to 9/11? To ask the question about the
reaping of political advantage from the tragedy of 9/11 need
not assume that there was a conspiracy by the Bush
Administration; merely that certain players acted out of
their personal interests at the expense of the safety and
security of the nation.
To piece together the various activities of these players in
the Bush Administration one should recall another key
component of Watergate - the famous advice of "Deep Throat,"
the Washington insider, to Bob Woodward, the investigative
reporter from the Washington Post. When Woodward was having
trouble connecting all the dots and players, "Deep Throat"
intimated: "Follow the money!" The money trail links Bush's
oil background, his family's connections to Saudi
investments, the politics of pipelines in Central Asia, and
the military-industrial complex. By detailing Bush's
background and fast-forwarding to the decisions of the
Administration in its pursuit of war in Afghanistan, a
possible war in Iraq, and a permanent war agenda, a money
trail will unfold that will transform Deep Throat's
admonition into a Deep Threat alarm concerning the lives and
liberties of citizens of the United States and the world.
The Bushes, bin Ladens, and Carlyle
The Bush family's involvement with oil is not only deeply
rooted in Texas oil wells, but also in the Middle East.
George W's first experience in business was in the creation
of the Arbusto Oil Company which eventually merged into
Harken Oil. In 1986 Bahrain came to the rescue of the
failing company by accepting a drilling contract with Harken
even though Harken had no real background with drilling.
When George W. sold his holdings in Harken for $848,000 in
June of 1990, he cashed in at a point right before the
company took a nose-dive in the aftermath of Saddam
Hussein's invasion of Kuwait in August of 1990. Questions
about whether George W. had been given a warning by his
father concerning what may have been the entrapment of
Saddam Hussein in Kuwait have never been fully settled.
On the other hand, conflicts of interest were definitely
developed in the 1990's by father and son through their
involvement with the Carlyle Group, an investment group
filled with Reagan-Bush cabinet members. In 1990 with former
Secretary of Defense, Frank Carlucci, as the CEO of Carlyle,
George W. was appointed to the board of a Carlyle
investment, Cateair. After his defeat in the 1992
Presidential election, George H. W. and James Baker, became
Carlyle advisors and investors. Especially useful were the
Bush and Baker connections to the ruling elite of Saudi
Arabia. Those connections helped to generate large
investments in Carlyle from the Saudi elite including the
bin Laden family, a family made wealthy by an extensive
construction business.
Although in the aftermath of 9/11 the bin Laden 2 million
dollar investment in Carlyle was withdrawn, prior to that
time George W's administration had put up road-blocks to the
investigation of the bin Laden family. The lead investigator
of Osama bin Laden's involvement in terror actions against
the US, from the World Trade Center bombing in 1993 to the
African embassy bombings in 1998 to the assault on the
U.S.S. Cole in 2000, was John O'Neill, a Deputy Director of
the FBI. O'Neill had repeatedly been denied access to
questioning the bin Laden family, including a January 2001
directive from the White House to desist from investigating
two of Osama's brothers who were residing in Falls Church,
Virginia at the time. In the face of such continuing
obstruction, O'Neill resigned in protest from the FBI
claiming that the "main obstacles to investigating Islamic
terrorism were U.S. oil interests and the role played by
Saudi Arabia in it." Ironically, O'Neill became the chief
security person at the World Trade Center shortly before
9/11 where he, along with between 2-3,000 others, perished
in the destruction of the WTC on that fateful and tragic
day.
If 9/11 was a tragedy to thousands of Americans and their
families, Bush and his father's Carlyle cronies hit the
jackpot, especially with renewed contracts for Carlyle
defense investments. In particular, Carlyle had invested
heavily in United Defense, the primary manufacturer of the
Crusader artillery system. Although the Crusader faced a
skeptical Congress before 9/11, Carlucci and his lobbyists
certainly managed to line-up his old college buddy, Donald
Rumsfeld, behind promoting the outmoded Crusader. When
Carlyle went public with United Defense stock offerings in
the fall of 2001, Carlucci, Bush, Baker, and other investors
in Carlyle made out like bandits. However, when a possible
paper trail and conflict-of-interest against Rumsfeld
surfaced recently, he announced his opposition to Crusader.
Of course, millions had already been made and Rumsfeld had
to cover his own backside in light of the calls for the
resignation of the Secretary of the Army, a former Enron
executive already awash in dubious conflicts-of-interest.
The Taliban and Pipeline Politics
However, if the Saudi and Carlyle connections to father and
son Bush don't raise alarms, then the whole history of the
Bush Administration's dealings with the Taliban should. The
primary focus of these dealings was the renewal of a planned
pipeline from the natural gas rich fields of Turkmenistan
through Afghanistan and Pakistan to other Asian markets.
Behind this whole operation was the Unocal company. Among
the advisors to Unocal was Zalmay Khalilzad, an Afghan-
American academic, who in addition to being an advisor to
Unocal in the 1990's was also part of the foreign policy
think-tanks that included Frank Carlucci. Khalilzad joined
the Taliban's lobbyist, Laila Helms (a relative of former
CIA director, Richard Helms) in direct talks between
representatives of the Taliban and the Bush Administration
right up through July of 2001. When the Taliban broke off
the talks, refusing the pipeline offers, the Bush
Administration made known its efforts to strike back at the
Taliban as early as August of 2001.
Ostensibly attacking the Taliban for its refusal to hand
over Osama bin Laden, the Bush Administration refused any
alternatives to the military option. During the whole
military operation, the Pentagon has tried to establish
security points that reflect the route of the proposed
pipeline. Moreover, Harmid Karzai, the hand-picked US leader
of Afghanistan, was, at one time, also a consultant for
Unocal. Along with Khalilzad, who now is the US
representative to Afghanistan's interim government, Karzai
is effectuating plans for the pipeline.
The CIA and Other Deep Pockets
In the immediate aftermath of 9/11 a number of news stories
appeared concerning investments in "put" options in United
and American Airlines. Put options are shares that are bets
on falling market prices for specific stocks. In the week
before September 11 put options in United and American
Airlines went through a furious and unprecedented spasm of
investment. In addition put options for Morgan Stanley and
Merrill Lynch, two of the biggest occupants of the World
Trade Center, also saw abnormal activity. Most of the
investments in these put options originated in Germany
through the Deutsche Bank. Deutshce Bank had earlier
acquired Banker's Trust, a investment banking firm whose
Vice Chairman in charge of "private client relations" in the
late 1990's was A. B. "Buzzy" Krongard. In March of 2001,
Krongard was appointed Executive Director of the CIA.
Certainly, the CIA has a history of laundering money and
dealings with shady investment characters. What becomes
particularly relevant in the lead-up to 9/11 is the August
CIA briefing of Bush concerning the potential threat of
attacks by bin Laden using hijacked planes on certain sites,
such as the Pentagon and World Trade Center, and the fact
that the CIA had bugging equipment on bin Laden messages and
international banking operations. Although no one has
apparently claimed the money from the put options, questions
remain about Krongard and the CIA's involvement.
Warning Signals and Criminal Negligence
The CIA's briefing for Bush wasn't the only warning coming
from intelligence agencies about the possible attack by
hijacked planes on targets like the Pentagon and World Trade
Center. Both German and Russian intelligence agencies picked
up signals during the summer of 2001 about bin Laden plans.
The FBI in its investigation of Zacarias Moussaoui's
activities documented his desire to fly a plane into the
World Trade Center. When those FBI agents requested a
warrant to search Moussaoui's personal computer, the civil
liberties-minded Attorney General, John Ashcroft, turned
them down. On the other hand, Ashcroft was worried enough
about the hijacking of commercial airplanes that starting on
July 26, 2001 he stopped flying on commercial aircraft. Of
course, neither Aschroft nor anyone else in the Bush
Administration bothered to warn airport authorities to be on
heightened alert and to tighten airport security in the face
of such warning signals.
To suggest that the Bush Administration arranged the 9/11
tragedy is to resort to wildly speculative conspiracy
theories. On the other hand, there is a substantive and
documented record of neglect and obstruction to warrant a
charge of criminal negligence by Bush and his national
security state apparatus. It may be that part of that
apparatus, especially elements within the FBI, are angered
by how they and their reports were cavalierly treated by the
White House. They and other congressional sources may be
leaking the kind of information that was essential in
bringing down President Nixon. Instead of waiting, however,
for what appears as inevitable congressional investigations,
we should be doing everything in our power to raise
questions in public forums and the courts, if possible,
about the criminal negligence of the Bush Administration.
Before another pretext is created for another war for oil
and the advancement of the military-industrial complex, this
Administration needs to be confronted for the duplicitous
and corrupt self-serving elite they are.
Fran Shor teaches at Wayne State University in Detroit. He
is an anti-war activist and member of the Michigan Coalition
on Human Rights.
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