[Peace-discuss] Nader follies?
Morton K.Brussel
brussel4 at insightbb.com
Sun Jun 27 12:36:02 CDT 2004
Here's another contribution to the debate about the progressives'
dilemma. It was written before the Green convention, which rejected
endorsing Nader-Camejo, so the first paragraph is out of date. MKB
Joel Kovel ran against Ralph Nader in the 2000 Green Party
presidential primary in New York and California, and was the Green
Party’s candidate for US Senator from NY in 1998. His two most recent
books are Red-Hunting in the Promised Land and The Enemy of Nature.
Green Follies
by Joel Kovel; June 24, 2004
A shocking scenario is unfolding before our eyes which, if carried
through, will constitute the greatest mistake made by the left in many
years. A small but very determined fraction of the Green Party is
prepared to package Ralph Nader with Peter Camejo, the Green
Gubernatorial candidate in California in 2002 and Nader’s
just-announced Vice-Presidential choice, in a drive to capture the
Green’s "endorsement" (Nader is not eligible for the party’s
nomination) in the upcoming national convention this weekend in
Milwaukee. Camejo’s presence on the ticket undercuts the objection that
Nader has no real connection to the party’s base, and it touched off
the internet equivalent of jubilation on the lists controlled by Greens
of this persuasion.
"Imagine hundreds of thousands of Greens hitting the streets all
across the country energized by the strongest progressive ticket in a
generation," waxed one such Naderite, omitting to ponder the fact that
a strenuous petition campaign for Nader barely managed to clear 300
signatures among Greens. But in one of those flukes tossed up from time
to time by history, it may actually turn out that a tiny coterie could
squeeze an endorsement out of the convention . . . which could turn
over the 22 state ballot lines controlled by the Greens to Nader/Camejo
. . . which could result in toss-up states like Oregon, Wisconsin and
New Mexico going over to the Republicans . . . which could give us four
more years of you-know-who.
Nader has been straining to argue that he will pull in as many
disaffected Republican as Democratic votes. But the selection of a
Vice-Presidential candidate demonstrably to his left puts the quietus
to that dubious line of reasoning. The only practical "success" he can
now have will be to bring W. back to the White House. Remember the
nursery rhyme about how, for want of a nail, the battle and then the
war was lost? Well, the same could be said for the scenario now
unfolding, except that what is wanting now is political intelligence
and a sense of proportion among some Greens who should know better.
The Naderite Greens scoff at such arguments, having convinced
themselves that the chief thing in this world is to defeat the
Democratic Party so the Greens can take over rightful ownership of the
Progressive side of the political spectrum. To this fraction, the
Democrats are like the image of Moby Dick in the mind of Captain Ahab:
the concentration of all evil in the universe. Thus you will learn, if
you read their unending email postings, that criticism of Nader is a
plot engineered by the Democrats, that Kerry is a greater danger than
Bush because he will be more effective, that the notion of "anybody but
Bush" is a sign of cowardice, and that the real problem is not Bush but
"Bushism," a new word for a phenomenon as old as G.W. Bush himself,
namely, that both mainstream parties share in the crafting of US
imperialism.
The Naderite Greens can’t seem to understand that a necessary concept
may not be sufficient to explain what is taking place politically. In
fact, they don’t really reason politically at all, but reduce politics
to economics. Because both mainstream parties are tools of big money
(think of the $100 million Kerry has raked in by running as a centrist
Republican), big money is the puppeteer pulling their strings. And as
big money demands militarism and imperialism, then its puppet parties
will dance its dance. But politics is about much more than economics.
It also includes struggle over the way people live, the way governments
achieve legitimacy, and the conditions that allow or block change.
These things really matter and they cannot be reduced to a simplistic
economic formula. The Naderite Greens pass them by, because if they
admitted that there can be real differences between the mainstream
parties, they might have to give up their fantasies about
party-building and their attachment to the charismatic Nader.
The problem is, however, that a very big difference between Democrats
and Republicans has evolved over the past generation or so. It has
taken root in the Bush administration, who have every intention of
making it a permanent feature of the political landscape. Look at Bush,
at Rove, and at Ashcroft, and you can see the newly malignant face of
big business linked with a massive social base of Christian
fundamentalism. Its inner logic points to the demolition of the
Constitution and the replacement of the Republic--however compromised
this may be—by a theocratic brand of fascism, in which the space for
political change will shrink drastically, and the lives of those who do
not fit--women, homosexuals, Muslims, anyone in the crosshairs of the
police apparatus—will be greatly worsened. Nobody in their right mind
can say that the wretched Democrats promise the same.
Nader seems incapable of grasping this qualitative distinction, and his
loyal band of Greens goes along, caught up, for the third time, no
less, in hero worship, and oblivious to the fact that the essential
principle of Green politics is grassroots democracy. The Greens have a
perfectly respectable candidate in David Cobb, who rose through the
ranks. But because Cobb has shown some sensitivity to the extreme
danger posed by another Bush administration, the Naderites attack him
as a virtual agent of the Democratic Party as they fantasize about the
great social movement Ralph Nader is going to unleash in America.
A lose-lose situation looms. To the extent that Nader succeeds, so
does Bush. And in any case, the left will emerge weaker and more
divided from this Quixotic escapade. Once again the left has become its
own worst enemy.
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