[Peace-discuss] Fwd: Edwards Goes After the 'Corporate Democrats'
Jenifer Cartwright
jencart7 at yahoo.com
Thu Aug 30 23:07:34 CDT 2007
Begin forwarded message:
Edwards Goes After the 'Corporate Democrats'
- Is This a Turning Point for His Campaign?
By Joshua Holland, AlterNet
Posted on August 26, 2007,
http://www.alternet.org/story/60748/
On August 23, John Edwards showed his populist mettle,
firing a broadside against corporate America and, more
significantly, corporate Democrats, the likes of which
hasn't been heard from a viable candidate with national
appeal in decades.
Edwards is en fuego right now, and if he keeps up the
heat, his candidacy will either be widely embraced by
the emerging progressive movement or utterly
annihilated by an entrenched establishment that fears
few things more than a telegenic populist with enough
money to mount a credible campaign.
"It's time to end the game," Edwards told a crowd in
Hanover, New Hampshire. "It's time to tell the big
corporations and the lobbyists who have been running
things for too long that their time is over." He
exalted Washington law-makers to "look the lobbyists in
the eye and just say no."
Real change starts with being honest -- the system
in Washington is rigged and our government is
broken. It's rigged by greedy corporate powers to
protect corporate profits. It's rigged by the very
wealthy to ensure they become even wealthier. At
the end of the day, it's rigged by all those who
benefit from the established order of things. For
them, more of the same means more money and more
power. They'll do anything they can to keep things
just the way they are -- not for the country, but
for themselves.
[The system is] controlled by big corporations, the
lobbyists they hire to protect their bottom line
and the politicians who curry their favor and carry
their water. And it's perpetuated by a media that
too often fawns over the establishment, but fails
to seriously cover the challenges we face or the
solutions being proposed. This is the game of
American politics and in this game, the interests
of regular Americans don't stand a chance.
It's a structural argument, and Edwards didn't pull
punches in calling out his fellow Democrats, saying:
"We cannot replace a group of corporate Republicans
with a group of corporate Democrats, just swapping the
Washington insiders of one party for the Washington
insiders of the other." The rhetoric was a clear signal
that Edwards is going to beat the drums of reform as a
contrast to Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton in the
primaries.
About a third of the speech focused on the trade deals
that Bill Clinton championed, and his argument that
those "wedded to the past" can't provide the answers
was a barely-veiled rebuke of the Clintonian arm of the
party, and the media's chosen "front-runner" for the
nomination.
If Democrats are engaged in an existential struggle
between the party's establishment and its grassroots,
Edwards is obviously betting that the grassroots'
passion and energy will trump the Machine Democrats
message apparatus -- this was a speech that was not
written by the usual coterie of Beltway consultants.
The most striking aspect of Edwards' speech was his
implicit argument that class still exists. For years,
both parties have obscured the divisions that are so
prominent in modern American society, painting a
picture of a country in which we're all part of an
entrepreneurial class with more or less similar
interests -- a key ingredient in the false "center" to
which politicians and Beltway pundits kow-tow. "Let me
tell you one thing I have learned from my experience,"
Edwards said last week. "You cannot deal with them on
their terms. You cannot play by their rules, sit at
their table, or give them a seat at yours. They will
not give up their power -- you have to take it from
them."
It was an explicit rebuke of Obama's "new politics" --
Obama recently told the Washington Post that "the
insurance and drug companies can have a seat at the
table in our health-care debate; they just can't buy
all the chairs." Obama's approach to "cleaning up
Washington" is not bad, but ultimately tinkers around
the edges of a corrupted legislative system.
Edwards is not so conciliatory on the subject. "For
more than 20 years, Democrats have talked about
universal health care," he said. "And for more than 20
years, we've gotten nowhere, because lobbyists for the
big insurance companies, drug companies and HMOs spent
millions to block real reform."
Contrast that naked confrontation of corporate power
with the tepid appeals to working Americans that were a
trademark of John Kerry's 2004 campaign. In announcing
his candidacy, Kerry offered a bit of demagoguery about
CEOs -- he segued from bashing Cheney and Halliburton
--and boldly promised to end tax breaks "that help
companies move American jobs overseas." Also in his
plan for corporate accountability: "No more contracts
for companies, no matter how well-connected they are,
until they decide to do what's right."
Hillary Clinton's economic proposals track with the
thinking popular among the ostensible "progressives" at
the DLC and the Third Way -- policies that give
Americans the "opportunity" to save for retirement, a
decidedly centrist approach to spiraling college costs
and other familiar policies from the 1990s. She's not a
fair trader nor a free trader, she says -- she's for
"smart trade," "pro-American" trade.
Edward's speech about the economy isn't the only time
that he's strayed from the bounds of "respectable"
discourse in Washington. In May, he said that the "war
on terror" was a political "bumper sticker" that the
administration used to "justify everything [Bush] does:
the ongoing war in Iraq, Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib, spying
on Americans, torture."
Edwards isn't the only candidate in the race making
such bold statements, of course. Rep. Dennis Kucinich
(D-OH) has long spoken of economic issues in the kinds
of terms Edwards used last week. But John Edwards was
the vice presidential nominee on a presidential ticket
that won 59 million votes and he's raised $23 million
in the current cycle (20 times what Kucinich has
raised), and that means that corporate media is forced
to cover him. So far, they've mocked him, written
stories about his haircuts, pushed shadowy innuendo
about his personal business dealings and suggested his
focus on poverty is disingenuous or hypocritical, but
they simply can't write him off as a member of the
fringe. Unlike Kucinich, they can't ignore him.
John Edwards is becoming a very different kind of
candidate, and his growing message of empowerment and
attack on the corporate class may prove to be the most
interesting story of campaign 2008.
-------------
Joshua Holland is an AlterNet staff writer.
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