[Peace-discuss] Iran's threat? to Europe
Morton K. Brussel
brussel4 at insightbb.com
Tue May 8 10:30:25 CDT 2007
Answer: NO.
Are Iran's missiles a threat to Europe?
Kaveh L. Afrasiabi
Monday, May 7, 2007
The Bush administration's plan to station interceptor missiles in
Poland and a corresponding X-band radar system in the Czech Republic
has triggered a major controversy. Russia's president, Vladimir
Putin, has warned that Moscow may pull out of an arms agreement with
Europe if the United States doesn't scrap this plan.
The U.S. government has justified this move primarily as a response
to an Iranian missile threat to Europe, claiming, in the words of
Robert Joseph, the U.S. Special Envoy For Nuclear Non-Proliferation,
that Iran is capable of developing long-range intercontinental
ballistic missiles by 2015.
Certainly, Iran has an active missile program and its military
leaders have been publicly boasting of steady progress in the range,
precision and sophistication of their missiles. Iran's missile
arsenal consists of artillery rockets and short-and medium-range
missiles with a range of up to 1,300 kilometers, too short to reach
middle Europe.
This does not mean, however, as the United States claims, that Europe
is at risk of a missile attack from Iran. Here is why:
First, Iran's missile program began during the Iran-Iraq war
(1980-88), in response to the horrific onslaught of Saddam Hussein's
missiles raining down on Tehran and other cities; a U.N. study
indicates that Iraq fired some 516 Scud-B missiles against Iran,
which had a limited inventory and retaliated with 88 to 100 missiles
during the course of the war. Since then, in light of a regional arms
race, with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states' acquisition of
sophisticated jet fighters from the United States and Europe, Iran
has relied on the relatively cheap alternative of missiles. These
missiles offer an important deterrent in the event of a showdown with
Uncle Sam because they are capable of hitting the nearby U.S. targets
in Iraq and other parts of the Persian Gulf.
Second, Iran's medium-range Shahab-3 missiles are modeled after the
North Korean Nodong missiles which are, in turn, based on an early
Soviet model. Most experts agree that the Iranian missile system has
reached its maximum potential and cannot be stretched into developing
longer range missiles. Iran would need to master the extremely
complex "multistage" missile technology in order to build them. So
far, only a few countries have been able to reach this advanced stage
of missile development and some of them, i.e., India and Israel,
reportedly have had significant difficulty manufacturing reliable
long-range missiles.
Third, Iran's other option of importing the long-range missiles from
abroad, e.g., North Korea, is limited and unlikely in light of the
U.N. sanctions against Iran and North Korea, which prohibit the
export of missile technology to Iran. There is no evidence of missile
cooperation between Iran and India or Pakistan, either.
Fourth, Iranian missiles are not serious threats until they carry
nuclear warheads. But, so far there is no "smoking gun" to confirm
the United States' allegations that Iran is working toward deployable
nuclear weapons. In the words of the IAEA chief, Mohammad El Baradei,
the "jury is still out" on this question. The United States' move to
install the anti-missile system in parts of Europe is seemingly
predicated, rather prematurely, on the failure of European-led
efforts to steer Iran away from the proliferation path by means of
sanctions and carrots. Iran may, after all, follow the "Japan model,"
that is, mastering the nuclear fuel cycle and thus become potentially
nuclear-ready, i.e., turning into a quasi-nuclear weapon state
without actually proliferating the weapons (due to their regional
destabilization).
Fifth, assuming that Iran manages to defy the sanctions and assemble
a few nuclear bombs, that does not mean that it would have the
advanced capability to develop nuclear warheads. Simple nuclear
explosives are generally far too heavy and large for such purposes.
Sixth, the net of economic, trade and energy relations that bind
together Iran and Europe, reflected in the multibillion dollar gas
deal Austria signed with Tehran last month, undermines the United
States' projection of a Europe-unfriendly Iran.
Finally, in addition to alternative countermeasures, such as
strengthening the global export control measures, the United States
must consider Europe's own deterrent capability, e.g., France and
England's nuclear arsenal, that would likely exact a heavy toll on
Iran if it ever attacked any part of the European Union. Together,
these make Iran's missile threat to Europe a remote possibility and
the Bush administration's defense shield in Eastern Europe an
unnecessary overreaction.
Kaveh L. Afrasiabi is a political scientist and the author of books
on Iran's foreign and nuclear policies.
This article appeared on page D - 5 of the San Francisco Chronicle
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