[Peace-discuss] Finkelstein on the Israeli lobby
David Green
davegreen84 at yahoo.com
Wed Sep 19 16:04:59 CDT 2007
I would define major issues in terms of the distribution of wealth, including health care and education, including the manner in which education/credentialing is used to create the illusion of a meritocracy, not that the latter is desirable. I don't see any serious differences here between the major parties (no great revelation), both favoring the increased concentration of wealth and attendant privileges in 10% or so of the population. Moreover, conflict over "social issues" would be less sensational in an egalitarian society in which differences in personal beliefs could not be so easily exploited (for the purpose of creating the appearance of disagreement).
I also have my doubts about whether M&W have a principled interest in Palestinian rights, although perhaps reading the book would clear this up. In any event, they've picked an indirect and ineffectual way of advocating for those rights. The Lobby's belligerence is dependent on U.S. and Israeli belligerence, which can only be disrupted by re-thinking U.S. interests in a way that I suspect is not ventured by M&W.
D&G
"Morton K. Brussel" <brussel at uiuc.edu> wrote:
The social issues cited by M&W in the quoted paragraph can be major issues, but do not exhaust the set. I read nothing in the quotation that engages the other "major" issues; they seem only to be making a (valid) point about the power of the lobby in electoral campaigns. I don't believe they are misguided in this, even if they are misguided in other respects (as e.g., on foreign policy differences between Dems and Pubs).
My 2¢ worth, --mkb
On Sep 19, 2007, at 10:50 AM, David Green wrote:
As usual, I'm in lockstep with NF. The following quote appeared on another list praising Mearsheimer/Walt, and my response. We have to remember that Mearsheimer is the ultimate foreign policy "realist," but ironically realism is now attributing to Israel the power to direct major foreign policy decisions:
From Mearsheimer and Walt, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy:
"The [2008 presidential] candidates will inevitably differ on various
domestic issues - health care, abortion, gay marriage, taxes,
education, immigration - and spirited debates are certain to erupt on
a host of foreign policy questions as well... Yet on one subject, we
can be equally confident that the candidates will speak with one
voice ... None of the candidates is likely to criticize Israel in any
significant way ... Any who do will probably fall by the wayside ...
The real reason why American politicians are so deferential is the
political power of the Israel lobby"
This quote illustrates why M/W are misguided. Do they not realize that the major parties will not differ on any major issue, only "social issues"? This is perfectly consistent with their support for U.S. foreign policy and Israel's assistance to its goals, in return for their own piece of the pie.
"C. G. Estabrook" <galliher at uiuc.edu> wrote:
[The craven behavior of the administration at DePaul University in
regard to Prof. Norman Finkelstein illustrates the rather narrow limits
of allowable debate within American universities -- most would have
acted as badly as DePaul did -- but here Finkelstein discusses the more
important issue of the Israeli lobby: "I dont think theres any
evidence that the is lobby was a crucial factor in the decision for the
US to go to war in Iraq and I dont think that there is evidence that US
policy in the Middle East in general is shaped by the lobby. However, I
do think that the lobby is a crucial factor in determining US policy
towards the Palestinians. I dont think it determined US policy in
Iran, in Turkey or in Iraq. But on the Israel-Palestine conflict -- the
building of settlements and the colonisation of Palestine, I think it is
a crucial factor." --CGE]
Finkelstein Interviewed
by Norman Finkelstein and George McLeod; September 16, 2007
Israel critic Norman Finkelstein made national headlines after
his tenure was denied by DePaul University . Finkelstein, an author of
five books, had received outstanding reviews from his students and
peers. His dismissal sparked student protests and sit-ins, and led top
academics to rally to his defence. Many questioned whether campuses had
fallen victim to powerful pressure groups.
In this interview with George McLeod, Norman Finkelstein
discusses the Israel lobby, his writings and what makes the Israel issue
unusually sensitive in the US.
McLeod: What is unique about the Israel/Palestine issue that
makes it so controversial and sensitive?
Finkelstein: There is nothing unusual about the
Israel/Palestine issue, apart from the fact that there is a lobby here
that prevents any kind of rational debate and discussion about what goes
on there.
The conflict itself is not particularly unusual. And its main
features are fairly well-known, especially outside the US.
There is no other field where a gang of hoodlums use their
money and their brass knuckles to prevent tenure appointments, and
thats very odd. There are other politicised fields like Cuba studies or
China studies but these kinds of jihads and witch hunts they just
dont go on in other fields.
In Israel/Palestine academia, in the past few years, you have
the Juan Cole case at Yale, you have the Joseph Massad case, you have
the Nadi Abuel-El-Haj case, you have my case, and you have the Rashid
Khalidi case.
But you take other fields that are politicised, like China
studies and Cuba studies where there is a lobby at work, they just don't
engage in these sorts of mafia tactics.
McLeod: There are many lobby groups in the US with significant
resources at their disposal that have not been accused of stifling
debate. What makes the Israel lobby different?
Finkelstein: The Israel lobby has money. Money is important
because it can be used to threaten to withhold donor contributions or
alumni contributions, and the lobby has a lot of clout in the media, so
they can drag your name through the mud.
McLeod: Does your case suggest that the Israel lobby is growing
stronger and that debate over Israel is narrowing?
Finkelstein: Actually, there is more debate on Israel/Palestine
than ever.
In terms of its strength, the Israel lobby is beginning to fall
apart. The case for Israel is becoming indefensible. Israels human
rights record, the actual historical record, and the diplomatic record,
are becoming better known. And the more the facts are becoming part of
mainstream discourse, the more the lobby has a difficult time defending
what is indefensible.
McLeod: How can the lobby be falling apart if it controls such
significant resources?
Finkelstein: The lobby is strong, but it is weaker than ever.
They had several debacles this last year. There was the Jimmy Carter
book, which ended up as number one on the New York Times best-seller
list and there is the Walk & Mearsheimer book these are all signs of
the weakening power of the lobby.
McLeod: Did the lobby have a role in your tenure dispute?
Finkelstein: Of course.
McLeod: On a practical level, what was the lobby doing
regarding your tenure bid?
Finkelstein: The university doesnt deny that [it was
pressured]. The university has repeatedly said there was intense outside
pressure. They claim to have resisted it, but they dont deny that it
had been exerted.
McLeod: Why were you singled out over other academics that
criticise Israel?
Finkelstein: I am more active. Most other critics confine their
criticisms to academic venues such as conferences and academic journals
but I am pretty active. I speak to a lot to audiences; I make my
presence known in the political arena.
McLeod: Does the fact that you lost your tenure bid suggest
that academic freedom is in decline?
Finkelstein: No, I wouldnt say that I was a bit of an odd
case because I was both an academic and highly political. Most academics
are not involved in politics, except in the very narrow world of
academia. So the standards of academia remain the same as they have been.
McLeod: One of your most controversial positions has been your
contention that pro-Israel groups and individuals are using the
holocaust for political purposes. Could you discuss your views on this?
Finkelstein: Ive written a whole book on that topic The
Holocaust Industry, which basically tries to document and show how the
Nazi holocaust has been used since the June 1967 war as a political
weapon to suppress criticism of Israel.
I argue that it takes basically two forms. First is the claim
of Holocaust uniqueness, which is that no people in the world have ever
suffered the ways Jews have. The purpose of this doctrine, which has no
intellectual or MORAL foundation, is to basically immunize Israel from
criticism.
That is, if Jews suffered uniquely during the Holocaust, then
they should not be held to the same moral standards as others.
The second aspect of this Holocaust dogma is the claim that all
the gentiles want to kill the Jews the thesis of Daniel Goldhagen
Hitlers Willing Executioners. And therefore, all gentiles are latently
or flagrantly anti-Semitic, so their criticism of Israel cannot be credited.
McLeod: And what sort of response did the book receive?
Finkelstein: When the book came out, it was the object of a
vicious attack. A lot of name calling, a lot of ad homonem attacks on
me. But now, I think a large part of what I wrote back then has become
mainstream. And the Holocaust Industry has even been the object of
ridicule by mainstream figures not my book but the industry itself.
So, for example the wife of the former executive director of
the US Holocaust museum in Washington, Tova Reich just published a
satirical novel on the Holocaust Industry and it was quite well reviewed.
McLeod: Why was the book so rigorously attacked?
Finkelstein: Because nobody was saying it at the time, but
things have changed. For example, take my position of the money that was
being extorted from Europe for what was called needy Holocaust victims.
The fact that the victims never actually got the money has become
commonplace.
McLeod: What do you think about the recently-released book The
Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy by John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt?
Finkelstein: Parts of it I agree with, parts of it I dont.
For example, I dont think theres any evidence that the is
lobby was a crucial factor in the decision for the US to go to war in
Iraq and I dont think that there is evidence that US policy in the
Middle East in general is shaped by the lobby.
However, I do think that the lobby is a crucial factor in
determining US policy towards the Palestinians.
I dont think it determined US policy in Iran, in Turkey or in
Iraq. But on the Israel-Palestine conflict the building of settlements
and the colonisation of Palestine, I think it is a crucial factor.
McLeod: You also exposed serious problems with the popular book
>From Time Immemorial by Joan Peters, which argued that Palestine was
almost empty of inhabitants prior to the arrival of western migrants.
The book had received excellent reviews and was a best-seller. How did
you come to realise there were problems with the book?
Finkelstein: Very simple answer, I read it.
McLeod: But you were not the only one. It was a popular book.
I am not sure how many people read it back then I am not sure
how many people actually read books now.
For example, I am not sure how many people who claim to have
read Hitlers Executioners actually read it I doubt people actually
read Joan Peters. I mean most of these books are unreadable theyre
completely illiterate. People dont know that because they dont read them.
McLeod: Do you mean the footnotes, or literally the book?
Finkelstein: I dont think they read the book. Nobody reads
footnotes.
The fact that it sold well tells you nothing these books are
good for a coffee table. There is a famous line by Christopher Hitchens.
Someone asked him: Did you read this book? To which he answered
Lets put it this way. I reviewed it.
Anyone who actually reads the kinds of books that I expose and
has a mind capable of rationally assimilating information cant help but
notice that books like Peters are incomprehensible and are completely
absurd.
McLeod: Alan Dershowirz has argued that Israel received a
disproportionate amount of criticism. Do you think other countries with
worse human rights records, such as Saudi Arabia and Myanmar, should be
receiving more criticism?
Finkelstein: Well there are a number of issues. First, as a
matter of language, Dershowitz doesnt argue anything because Dershowitz
doesnt know anything. Hes a complete ignoramus, so I dont agree with
the formulation that Dershowitz argues.
Maybe Dershowitz shouts, but argues? No. He doesnt know anything.
On the question of proportionality. If you look at the reports
of human rights organisations, such as Human Rights Watch, there have
not been a significantly larger number of reports on Israel/Palestine
than on other noteworthy places such as Darfur. The numbers have been
tabulated; you can go and check with them, its simply untrue.
Number three, the Israel/Palestine conflict does have a
noteworthy feature it is the longest running occupation in modern
history. So, had Israel resolved it 40 years ago, perhaps it wouldnt
receive so much attention.
But the fact that it has been ongoing for 40 years, which is
probably longer than the lifetime of most people living on the planet
most people are under 40 years old means it was going on before most
people were born. Therefore, its not surprising that it would be the
object of so much attention.
McLeod: Does the failure of your tenure bid make you regret
your vocal stance on this issue?
Finkelstein: No, Im just glad its over.
McLeod: What are your plans for the future?
Finkelstein: I dont know, its too soon to tell. I am glad
that the DePaul nightmare is over and I will surely miss my students,
but otherwise, I want to get on with doing serious work and put that
chapter very far behind me.
###
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