[Peace-discuss] Obama's racism

[C. G. Estabrook]

I assume that the Anti-War *Anti-Racism* Effort will condemn this great 
liberal's unconditional support for a racist state.

He's quite consistent with the position he took when he first ran for the Senate 
when he says here, "I will do everything in my power to prevent Iran from 
obtaining a nuclear weapon."  The Neocons have pointed out what that means: 
given the indisposition of the US military, nuclear weapons will be necessary to 
extirpate the Iranian nuclear industry and prevent counter-attack.  Obama knows 
that perfectly well.  His statement is not inadvertent.  --CGE

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<http://elections.foxnews.com/2008/06/04/prepared-remarks-obama-at-aipac-policy-conference/>

BARACK OBAMA: It’s great to see so many friends from across the
country. I want to congratulate Howard Friedman, David Victor and
Howard Kohr on a successful conference, and on the completion of a
new headquarters just a few blocks away.

Before I begin, I want to say that I know some provocative emails
have been circulating throughout Jewish communities across the
country. A few of you may have gotten them. They’re filled with tall
tales and dire warnings about a certain candidate for President. And
all I want to say is - let me know if you see this guy named Barack
Obama, because he sounds pretty frightening.

But if anyone has been confused by these emails, I want you to know
that today I’ll be speaking from my heart, and as a true friend of
Israel. And I know that when I visit with AIPAC, I am among friends.
Good friends. Friends who share my strong commitment to make sure
that the bond between the United States and Israel is unbreakable
today, tomorrow, and forever.

One of the many things that I admire about AIPAC is that you fight
for this common cause from the bottom up. The lifeblood of AIPAC is
here in this room - grassroots activists of all ages, from all parts
of the country, who come to Washington year after year to make your
voices heard. Nothing reflects the face of AIPAC more than the 1,200
students who have travelled here to make it clear to the world that
the bond between Israel and the United States is rooted in more than
our shared national interests - it’s rooted in the shared values and
shared stories of our people. And as President, I will work with you
to ensure that it this bond strengthened.

I first became familiar with the story of Israel when I was eleven
years old. I learned of the long journey and steady determination of
the Jewish people to preserve their identity through faith, family
and culture. Year after year, century after century, Jews carried on
their traditions, and their dream of a homeland, in the face of
impossible odds.

[...]

as President I will never compromise when it comes to Israel’s security.

Not when there are still voices that deny the Holocaust. Not when
there are terrorist groups and political leaders committed to
Israel’s destruction. Not when there are maps across the Middle East
that don’t even acknowledge Israel’s existence, and government-funded
textbooks filled with hatred toward Jews. Not when there are rockets
raining down on Sderot, and Israeli children have to take a deep
breath and summon uncommon courage every time they board a bus or
walk to school.

I have long understood Israel’s quest for peace and need for
security. But never more so than during my travels there two years
ago. Flying in an IDF helicopter, I saw a narrow and beautiful strip
of land nestled against the Mediterranean. On the ground, I met a
family who saw their house destroyed by a Katyusha Rocket. I spoke to
Israeli troops who faced daily threats as they maintained security
near the blue line. I talked to people who wanted nothing more
simple, or elusive, than a secure future for their children.

I have been proud to be a part of a strong, bi-partisan consensus
that has stood by Israel in the face of all threats. That is a
commitment that both John McCain and I share, because support for
Israel in this country goes beyond party. But part of our commitment
must be speaking up when Israel’s security is at risk, and I don’t
think any of us can be satisfied that America’s recent foreign policy
has made Israel more secure.

[...]

Our alliance is based on shared interests and shared values. Those
who threaten Israel threaten us. Israel has always faced these
threats on the front lines. And I will bring to the White House an
unshakeable commitment to Israel’s security.

That starts with ensuring Israel’s qualitative military advantage. I
will ensure that Israel can defend itself from any threat - from Gaza
to Tehran. Defense cooperation between the United States and Israel
is a model of success, and must be deepened. As President, I will
implement a Memorandum of Understanding that provides $30 billion in
assistance to Israel over the next decade - investments to Israel’s
security that will not be tied to any other nation. First, we must
approve the foreign aid request for 2009. Going forward, we can
enhance our cooperation on missile defense. We should export military
equipment to our ally Israel under the same guidelines as NATO. And I
will always stand up for Israel’s right to defend itself in the
United Nations and around the world.

Across the political spectrum, Israelis understand that real security
can only come through lasting peace. And that is why we - as friends
of Israel - must resolve to do all we can to help Israel and its
neighbors to achieve it. Because a secure, lasting peace is in
Israel’s national interest. It is in America’s national interest. And
it is in the interest of the Palestinian people and the Arab world.
As President, I will work to help Israel achieve the goal of two
states, a Jewish state of Israel and a Palestinian state, living side
by side in peace and security. And I won’t wait until the waning days
of my presidency. I will take an active role, and make a personal
commitment to do all I can to advance the cause of peace from the
start of my Administration.

The long road to peace requires Palestinian partners committed to
making the journey. We must isolate Hamas unless and until they
renounce terrorism, recognize Israel’s right to exist, and abide by
past agreements. There is no room at the negotiating table for
terrorist organizations. That is why I opposed holding elections in
2006 with Hamas on the ballot. The Israelis and the Palestinian
Authority warned us at the time against holding these elections. But
this Administration pressed ahead, and the result is a Gaza
controlled by Hamas, with rockets raining down on Israel.

The Palestinian people must understand that progress will not come
through the false prophets of extremism or the corrupt use of foreign
aid. The United States and the international community must stand by
Palestinians who are committed to cracking down on terror and
carrying the burden of peacemaking. I will strongly urge Arab
governments to take steps to normalize relations with Israel, and to
fulfill their responsibility to pressure extremists and provide real
support for President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad. Egypt must cut
off the smuggling of weapons into Gaza. Israel can also advance the
cause of peace by taking appropriate steps - consistent with its
security - to ease the freedom of movement for Palestinians, improve
economic conditions in the West Bank, and to refrain from building
new settlements - as it agreed to with the Bush Administration at
Annapolis.

Let me be clear. Israel’s security is sacrosanct. It is non- negotiable.

[...]

There is no greater threat to Israel - or to the peace and stability
of the region - than Iran. Now this audience is made up of both
Republicans and Democrats, and the enemies of Israel should have no
doubt that, regardless of party, Americans stand shoulder-to-
shoulder in our commitment to Israel’s security. So while I don’t
want to strike too partisan a note here today, I do want to address
some willful mischaracterizations of my positions.

The Iranian regime supports violent extremists and challenges us
across the region. It pursues a nuclear capability that could spark a
dangerous arms race, and raise the prospect of a transfer of nuclear
know-how to terrorists. Its President denies the Holocaust and
threatens to wipe Israel off the map. The danger from Iran is grave,
it is real, and my goal will be to eliminate this threat.

But just as we are clear-eyed about the threat, we must be clear
about the failure of today’s policy. We knew, in 2002, that Iran
supported terrorism. We knew Iran had an illicit nuclear program. We
knew Iran posed a grave threat to Israel. But instead of pursuing a
strategy to address this threat, we ignored it and instead invaded
and occupied Iraq. When I opposed the war, I warned that it would fan
the flames of extremism in the Middle East. That is precisely what
happened in Iran - the hardliners tightened their grip, and Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad was elected President in 2005. And the United States and
Israel are less secure.

[...]

Senator McCain offers a false choice: stay the course in Iraq, or
cede the region to Iran. I reject this logic because there is a
better way. Keeping all of our troops tied down indefinitely in Iraq
is not the way to weaken Iran - it is precisely what has strengthened
it. It is a policy for staying, not a plan for victory. I have
proposed a responsible, phased redeployment of our troops from Iraq.
We will get out as carefully as we were careless getting in. We will
finally pressure Iraq’s leaders to take meaningful responsibility for
their own future.

We will also use all elements of American power to pressure Iran. I
will do everything in my power to prevent Iran from obtaining a
nuclear weapon. That starts with aggressive, principled diplomacy
without self-defeating preconditions, but with a clear-eyed
understanding of our interests. We have no time to waste. We cannot
unconditionally rule out an approach that could prevent Iran from
obtaining a nuclear weapon. We have tried limited, piecemeal talks
while we outsource the sustained work to our European allies. It is
time for the United States to lead.

There will be careful preparation. We will open up lines of
communication, build an agenda, coordinate closely with our allies,
and evaluate the potential for progress. Contrary to the claims of
some, I have no interest in sitting down with our adversaries just
for the sake of talking. But as President of the United States, I
would be willing to lead tough and principled diplomacy with the
appropriate Iranian leader at a time and place of my choosing - if,
and only if - it can advance the interests of the United States.

[...]

I was interested to see Senator McCain propose divestment as a source
of leverage - not the bigoted divestment that has sought to punish
Israeli scientists and academics, but divestment targeted at the
Iranian regime. It’s a good concept, but not a new one. I introduced
legislation over a year ago that would encourage states and the
private sector to divest from companies that do business in Iran.
This bill has bipartisan support, but for reasons that I’ll let him
explain, Senator McCain never signed on. Meanwhile, an anonymous
Senator is blocking the bill. It is time to pass this into law so
that we can tighten the squeeze on the Iranian regime. We should also
pursue other unilateral sanctions that target Iranian banks and assets.

[...]

Finally, let there be no doubt: I will always keep the threat of
military action on the table to defend our security and our ally
Israel. Sometimes there are no alternatives to confrontation. But
that only makes diplomacy more important. If we must use military
force, we are more likely to succeed, and will have far greater
support at home and abroad, if we have exhausted our diplomatic efforts.

That is the change we need in our foreign policy. Change that
restores American power and influence. Change accompanied by a pledge
that I will make known to allies and adversaries alike: that America
maintains an unwavering friendship with Israel, and an unshakeable
commitment to its security.

As members of AIPAC, you have helped advance this bipartisan
consensus to support and defend our ally Israel. And I am sure that
today on Capitol Hill you will be meeting with members of Congress
and spreading the word. But we are here because of more than policy.
We are here because the values we hold dear are deeply embedded in
the story of Israel.

Just look at what Israel has accomplished in 60 years. From decades
of struggle and the terrible wake of the Holocaust, a nation was
forged to provide a home for Jews from all corners of the world -
from Syria to Ethiopia to the Soviet Union. In the face of constant
threats, Israel has triumphed. In the face of constant peril, Israel
has prospered. In a state of constant insecurity, Israel has
maintained a vibrant and open discourse, and a resilient commitment
to the rule of law.

As any Israeli will tell you, Israel is not a perfect place, but like
the United States it sets an example for all when it seeks a more
perfect future. These same qualities can be found among American
Jews. It is why so many Jewish Americans have stood by Israel, while
advancing the American story. Because there is a commitment embedded
in the Jewish faith and tradition: to freedom and fairness; to social
justice and equal opportunity. To tikkun olam - the obligation to
repair this world.

I will never forget that I would not be standing here today if it
weren’t for that commitment. In the great social movements in our
country’s history, Jewish and African Americans have stood shoulder
to shoulder. They took buses down south together. They marched
together. They bled together. And Jewish Americans like Andrew
Goodman and Michael Schwerner were willing to die alongside a black
man - James Chaney - on behalf of freedom and equality.

Their legacy is our inheritance. We must not allow the relationship
between Jews and African Americans to suffer. This is a bond that
must be strengthened. Together, we can rededicate ourselves to end
prejudice and combat hatred in all of its forms. Together, we can
renew our commitment to justice. Together, we can join our voices
together, and in doing so make even the mightiest of walls fall down.

That work must include our shared commitment to Israel. You and I
know that we must do more than stand still. Now is the time to be
vigilant in facing down every foe, just as we move forward in seeking
a future of peace for the children of Israel, and for all children.
Now is the time to stand by Israel as it writes the next chapter in
its extraordinary journey. Now is the time to join together in the
work of repairing this world.

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