[Peace-discuss] Why the Democrats are as they are

E. Wayne Johnson ewj at pigs.ag
Wed Jun 18 23:02:28 CDT 2008


Certainly the cumulant of wealth has to be more skewed unless there is 
some sort of intervention.


C. G. Estabrook wrote:
> I also think Gini coefficients for wealth rather than income would be 
> better for the argument.  Surely wealth is even more skewed.
>
> E. Wayne Johnson wrote:
>> The Gini coefficient is more useful if one constructs bootstrap 
>> confidence intervals and also the Lorenz asymmetry coefficient with 
>> its confidence intervals.  Otherwise it might be misleading to simply 
>> compare two numbers and say, hey this one is bigger (smaller) than 
>> that one (therefore something meaningful is occurring).
>>
>> Jenifer Cartwright wrote:
>>>
>>> Civil rights matter enormously, and race is top of the list re that. 
>>> Sure I agree w/ some of his points but not others. Mostly I think 
>>> the essay is a buncha mental noise signifying not much, don't you?
>>>
>>>  --Jenifer
>>>
>>> --- On *Wed, 6/18/08, C. G. Estabrook /<galliher at uiuc.edu>/* wrote:
>>>
>>>     From: C. G. Estabrook <galliher at uiuc.edu>
>>>     Subject: Re: [Peace-discuss] Why the Democrats are as they are
>>>     To: jencart13 at yahoo.com
>>>     Cc: "Peace-discuss" <peace-discuss at anti-war.net>
>>>     Date: Wednesday, June 18, 2008, 8:42 PM
>>>
>>>     So you agree with Benn Michaels?
>>>
>>>
>>>     Jenifer Cartwright wrote:
>>> > Hey check out the Demos report card on civil rights in the latest 
>>> Crisis
>>> > Magazine (NAACP publication). With one or two exceptions Demos get
>>> > straight As, Repubs get straight Fs. May not matter to some of 
>>> those who
>>> > post to this list, but it definitely matters to ME!!
>>> >
>>> >  --Jenifer
>>> >
>>> > --- On *Wed, 6/18/08, C. G. Estabrook /<galliher at uiuc.edu>/* wrote:
>>> >
>>> >     From: C. G. Estabrook <galliher at uiuc.edu>
>>> >     Subject: [Peace-discuss] Why the Democrats are as they are
>>> >     To: "Peace-discuss" <peace-discuss at anti-war.net>
>>> >     Date: Wednesday, June 18, 2008, 11:20 AM
>>> >
>>> >     Some Democrats are more equal than others:
>>> >         Race and gender distract from class in US primaries
>>> >
>>> >     Class is the great unmentionable in the Obama-Clinton 
>>> campaigns. US
>>> >     progressives
>>> >     want to diversify the elite across colour, gender and ethnic
>>>     background, while
>>> >     accepting ever greater inequalities of wealth between the 
>>> elite and
>>>     the rest of
>>> >
>>> >     the nation.
>>> >
>>> >     By Walter Benn Michaels
>>> >
>>> >     There have been two defining moments related to race in the Obama
>>>     campaign, and
>>> >
>>> >     more generally in United States progressive politics. The 
>>> first was in
>>>     January
>>> >     on the night of the Illinois senator’s victory in South Carolina
>>>     when, in
>>> >     response to comments by Bill Clinton about the size of the 
>>> black vote,
>>>     the
>>> >     Obama
>>> >     crowd started chanting: “Race doesn’t matter.”
>>> >
>>> >     “There we stood,” said the novelist and Obama activist Ayelet
>>>     Waldman,
>>> >     “in the
>>> >     heart of the old South, where Confederate flags still fly next to
>>>     statues of
>>> >     Governor Benjamin Tillman, who famously bragged about keeping 
>>> black
>>>     people from
>>> >
>>> >     the polls (‘We stuffed ballot boxes. We shot them. We are not
>>>     ashamed of
>>> >     it’),
>>> >     chanting race doesn’t matter, race doesn’t matter. White people
>>>     and black
>>> >     people. Latinos and Asians, united in our rejection of 
>>> politics as
>>>     usual.
>>> >     United
>>> >     in our belief that America can be a different place. United. Not
>>>     divided”
>>> >     (1).
>>> >
>>> >     The second moment was in March when, in response to the 
>>> controversial
>>>     sermons
>>> >     of
>>> >     his former pastor, the Rev Jeremiah Wright, Obama gave his “more
>>>     perfect
>>> >     union”
>>> >     speech, declaring: “Race is an issue this nation cannot afford to
>>>     ignore
>>> >     right
>>> >     now” and inaugurating what many commentators described as a
>>>     supposedly
>>> >     much-needed “national conversation on race”.
>>> >
>>> >     I say supposedly because Americans love to talk about race and 
>>> have
>>>     been doing
>>> >     so for centuries, even if today the thing we love most to say 
>>> is that
>>> >     “Americans
>>> >     don’t like to talk about race”. What we aren’t so good at
>>>     talking about
>>> >     is
>>> >     class, as Obama himself inadvertently demonstrated when he 
>>> tried to
>>>     talk about
>>> >     class on 6 April at a closed-door San Francisco fundraiser
>>>     (“Bittergate”).
>>> >     He
>>> >     tried to explain the frustrations of some small-town 
>>> Pennsylvanians:
>>>     “It’s
>>> >     not
>>> >     surprising that they get bitter, they cling to guns or 
>>> religion or
>>>     antipathy to
>>> >
>>> >     people who aren’t like them or anti-immigrant sentiment or
>>>     anti-trade
>>> >     sentiment.”
>>> >
>>> >     ’Change we can believe in’
>>> >     There seems to be an obvious contradiction here. First, the 
>>> chant of
>>>     race
>>> >     doesn’t matter; then the speech about why race does matter. But
>>>     after
>>> >     reflection
>>> >     the contradiction fades, since the need for the speech, the 
>>> history of
>>>     American
>>> >
>>> >     racism, is what prompted the promise of the chant: the idea that
>>>     electing a
>>> >     black man would be a major step toward overcoming that 
>>> history. Which,
>>>     of
>>> >     course, it would.
>>> >
>>> >     It is the promise of overcoming the long history of racial 
>>> division,
>>>     the
>>> >     promise
>>> >     of solving in the 21st century what W E B Du Bois (2) 
>>> described as the
>>>
>>> >     overwhelming problem of the 20th century, the problem of the 
>>> colour
>>>     line, that
>>> >     gives the Obama campaign its significance. The “change we can
>>>     believe in”
>>> >     is not
>>> >     ideological, it’s cultural (Obama and Clinton are ideologically
>>>     almost
>>> >     identical; if people had wanted ideological change, we’d be 
>>> talking
>>>     about
>>> >     John
>>> >     Edwards). And at the heart of that cultural change is the fact 
>>> that it
>>>     cannot
>>> >     be
>>> >     proclaimed. It must be embodied, and only a black person can 
>>> embody
>>>     it. We can
>>> >     elect white people who say that race shouldn’t matter, but 
>>> only the
>>>     election
>>> >     of
>>> >     a black person can establish that it really doesn’t.
>>> >
>>> >     So the Obama campaign is and has always been all about race, and
>>>     especially
>>> >     about anti-racism as progressive politics. Whether or not he
>>>     ultimately wins,
>>> >     and especially if he doesn’t, we are still being shown the
>>>     “progressive”
>>> >     wing of
>>> >     the Democratic Party leading Americans toward an increasingly 
>>> open and
>>>     equal
>>> >     society, for African-Americans and also for Asians and Latinos 
>>> and
>>>     women and
>>> >     gays.
>>> >
>>> >     But the problem with this picture – a problem that is also a 
>>> crucial
>>>     part of
>>> >     its
>>> >     attraction – is that it is false. There has been extraordinary,
>>>     albeit
>>> >     incomplete, progress in fighting racism, but the picture is false
>>>     because that
>>> >     progress has not made American society more open or equal. In
>>>     fundamental
>>> >     respects it is less open and equal today than it was in the 
>>> days of
>>>     Jim Crow
>>> >     when racism was not only prevalent but was state-sponsored.
>>> >
>>> >     The hallmark of a neo-liberal political economy is rising 
>>> sensitivity
>>>     about
>>> >     differences of identity – cultural, ethnic, sometimes religious –
>>>     and
>>> >     rising
>>> >     tolerance for differences of wealth and income. Readers who are
>>>     familiar with
>>> >     the jargon of economic inequality will have an immediate sense 
>>> of what
>>>     it means
>>> >
>>> >     to say that equality in America has declined when I tell you 
>>> that in
>>>     1947, at
>>> >     the height of Jim Crow and the segregationist laws in the 
>>> South, the
>>>     US Gini
>>> >     coefficient was .376 and that by 2006, it had risen to .464. 
>>> Since on
>>>     the Gini
>>> >     scale 0 represents absolute equality (everyone makes the same 
>>> income
>>>     as
>>> >     everyone
>>> >     else) and 1 represents absolute inequality (one person makes
>>>     everything), this
>>> >     is significant.
>>> >
>>> >     Back then, the US was in the same league as the countries of 
>>> western
>>>     Europe,
>>> >     albeit a little more unequal than them; today we’re up there with
>>>     Mexico and
>>> >     China (3). In 1947, the top 20% of the US population made 43% 
>>> of all
>>>     the money
>>> >     the nation earned. In 2006, after years of struggle against 
>>> racism,
>>>     sexism and
>>> >     heterosexism, the top 20% make 50.5%. The rich are richer (4).
>>> >
>>> >     Legitimate the elite
>>> >     So the struggle for racial and sexual equality – the relative
>>>     success of
>>> >     which
>>> >     has been incarnated in the race and gender politics of the 
>>> Democratic
>>>     Party
>>> >     over
>>> >     the past six months – has not produced greater economic equality,
>>>     but been
>>> >     compatible with much greater economic inequality, and with the
>>>     formation of an
>>> >     increasingly elitist society (5). There is a reason for this. The
>>>     battles
>>> >     against racism and sexism have never been to produce a more equal
>>>     society; or
>>> >     to
>>> >     mitigate, much less eliminate, the difference between the 
>>> elite and
>>>     the rest;
>>> >     they were meant to diversify and hence legitimate the elite.
>>> >
>>> >     This is why policies such as affirmative action in university
>>>     admissions serve
>>> >     such a crucial symbolic purpose for liberals (6). They 
>>> reassure them
>>>     that no
>>> >     one
>>> >     has been excluded from places like Harvard and Yale for 
>>> reasons of
>>>     prejudice or
>>> >
>>> >     discrimination (the legitimating part) while leaving untouched 
>>> the
>>>     primary
>>> >     mechanism of exclusion: wealth (the increasing-the-gap between 
>>> the
>>>     rich and
>>> >     everyone else part). You are, as Richard Kahlenberg put it, “25
>>>     times as
>>> >     likely
>>> >     to run into a rich student as a poor student” at 146 elite 
>>> colleges,
>>>     not
>>> >     because
>>> >     poor students are discriminated against but because they are 
>>> poor.
>>>     They have
>>> >     not
>>> >     had the kind of education that makes it plausible for them 
>>> even to
>>>     apply to
>>> >     elite colleges, much less attend them.
>>> >
>>> >     What affirmative action tells us is that the problem is racism 
>>> and the
>>>     solution
>>> >
>>> >     is to make sure the rich kids come in different colours; this 
>>> solution
>>>     looks
>>> >     attractive long after graduation, when the battle for diversity
>>>     continues to be
>>> >
>>> >     fought among lawyers, professors and journalists – in fact, any
>>>     profession
>>> >     with
>>> >     enough status and income to count as elite. The effort is to 
>>> enforce a
>>>     model of
>>> >
>>> >     social justice in which proportional representation of race 
>>> and gender
>>>     counts
>>> >     as
>>> >     success.
>>> >
>>> >     If what you want is a more diverse elite, electing a black 
>>> president
>>>     is about
>>> >     as
>>> >     good as it gets. Electing a woman president would be a close 
>>> second.
>>>     But if you
>>> >
>>> >     want to address the inequalities we have, instead of the 
>>> inequalities
>>>     we like
>>> >     to
>>> >     think we have (inequalities produced by inherited wealth and 
>>> poverty);
>>>     if you
>>> >     want a political programme designed to address the inequalities
>>>     produced not by
>>> >
>>> >     racism and sexism, which are only sorting devices, but by
>>>     neo-liberalism, which
>>> >
>>> >     is doing the sorting, neither the black man nor the white 
>>> woman have
>>>     much to
>>> >     offer.
>>> >
>>> >     They are two Democrats who can’t even bring themselves to
>>>     acknowledge
>>> >     publicly,
>>> >     in their last debate in April, that Americans making between 
>>> $100,000
>>>     and
>>> >     $200,000 a year hardly qualify as middle class. Clinton committed
>>>     herself “to
>>> >
>>> >     not raising a single tax on middle-class Americans, people 
>>> making less
>>>     than
>>> >     $250,000 a year” and Obama (who was, as a commentator put it, “a
>>>     lot
>>> >     squishier”
>>> >     about it) also committed himself to not raising taxes on 
>>> people making
>>>     under
>>> >     $200,000.
>>> >
>>> >     Root of inequality
>>> >     But only 7% of US households earn more than $150,000; only 18% 
>>> earn
>>>     more than
>>> >     $100,000; more than 50% earn under $50,000 (7). Once you have
>>>     Democrats who
>>> >     consider people on $200,000 as middle class and in need of tax 
>>> relief,
>>>     you
>>> >     don’t
>>> >     need Republicans any more. Clinton and Obama are the emblems of a
>>>     liberalism
>>> >     which has made its peace with a political ethics that will combat
>>>     racist and
>>> >     sexist inequalities, while almost ignoring inequalities that 
>>> stem not
>>>     from
>>> >     discrimination but from exploitation. The candidates’ death match
>>>     prominently
>>> >
>>> >     features charges of racism and sexism.
>>> >
>>> >     In 1967, after the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1965 and 
>>> at the
>>>     beginning
>>> >
>>> >     of the effort to make the rights guaranteed by that act a 
>>> reality,
>>>     Martin
>>> >     Luther
>>> >     King was already asking “where do we go from here?”
>>> >
>>> >     King was a great civil rights leader but he was more than 
>>> that, and
>>>     the
>>> >     questions he wanted to raise were not, as he pointed out, 
>>> civil rights
>>>
>>> >     questions. They were, he told the Southern Christian Leadership
>>>     Conference,
>>> >     “questions about the economic system, about a broader 
>>> distribution
>>>     of
>>> >     wealth”.
>>> >
>>> >     There were then, as there are now, more poor white people than 
>>> poor
>>>     black
>>> >     people
>>> >     in the US, and King was acutely aware of that. He was aware that
>>>     anti-racism
>>> >     was
>>> >     not a solution to economic inequality because racism was not 
>>> the cause
>>>     of
>>> >     economic inequality, and he realised that any challenge to the 
>>> actual
>>>     cause,
>>> >     “the capitalistic economy”, would produce “fierce opposition”.
>>> >
>>> >     King did not live to lead that challenge and the fierce 
>>> opposition he
>>>     expected
>>> >     never developed because the challenge never did. Instead, not 
>>> only the
>>>
>>> >     anti-racism of the civil rights movement but also the rise of
>>>     feminism, of gay
>>> >     rights and of all the new social movements proved to be entirely
>>>     compatible
>>> >     with
>>> >     the capitalistic economy King hoped to oppose.
>>> >
>>> >     It is possible but unlikely that Barack Obama or Hillary 
>>> Clinton might
>>>     some day
>>> >
>>> >     take up King’s challenge. Neo-liberalism likes race and 
>>> gender, and
>>>     the race
>>> >     and
>>> >     gender candidates seem to like neo-liberalism.
>>> >
>>> >     ______________________________________________
>>> >     Walter Benn Michaels is professor at the University of Illinois,
>>>     Chicago, and
>>> >     author of The Trouble with Diversity: How We Learned to Love 
>>> Identity
>>>     and
>>> >     Ignore
>>> >     Inequality, Metropolitan, New York, 2006
>>> >
>>> >     (1) http://my.barackobama.com/page/comm ...
>>> >
>>> >     (2) William Edward Burghardt Du Bois (1868-1963), the black civil
>>>     rights
>>> >     leader,
>>> >     Pan-Africanist historian and writer who became a naturalised 
>>> citizen
>>>     of Ghana
>>> >     in
>>> >     1963.
>>> >
>>> >     (3) France is .383, Germany is .283, Sweden is .250.
>>> >
>>> >     (4) Social mobility in the US has declined. In a recent study 
>>> for the
>>>     Pew
>>> >     Foundation, Isabel Sawhill and John E. Morton report that by some
>>>     measurements
>>> >     the US is actually a less mobile society than Canada, France, 
>>> Germany
>>>     and most
>>> >     Scandinavian countries; http://www.economicmobility.org/ass 
>>> .... They
>>>     suggest
>>> >     that if you want to pursue the American dream today, you need 
>>> to learn
>>>     German
>>> >     and move to Berlin.
>>> >
>>> >     (5) See Serge Halimi, “US: Republican deficits”, Le Monde
>>>     diplomatique,
>>> >     English
>>> >     edition, November 2006.
>>> >
>>> >     (6) See John D Skrentny, “US: whose land of opportunity?” and
>>>     Christopher
>>> >     Newfield, “Education for sale in the land of the free”, Le Monde
>>> >     diplomatique,
>>> >     English edition, May 2007 and September 2007.
>>> >
>>> >     (7) American Census Bureau; http://factfinder.census.gov
>>> >
>>> > <http://mondediplo.com/2008/06/05equality>
>>> >     _______________________________________________
>>>
>>>
>>> ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 
>>>
>>>
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