[Peace-discuss] SC overturns campaign spending laws
C. G. Estabrook
galliher at illinois.edu
Thu Jan 21 11:32:30 CST 2010
[It seems to me that the Court has decided this matter correctly. Justice
Kennedy is surely right when he says, “If the First Amendment has any force, it
prohibits Congress from fining or jailing citizens, or associations of citizens,
for simply engaging in political speech.” The argument in favor of neutralizing
the First Amendment would seem to be that corporate money will be too
influential in politics - as if that weren't the case now. Much of Obama's
backing came form Wall Street - he got more there than McCain did - and we see
how it paid off. When I ran for Congress as a Green, I argued that the campaign
finance laws (like McCain-Feingold) were at best fig leaves, and they restricted
many groups that were not corporations, like labor unions and interest groups.
If you want to make money less effective in political campaigns, make TV time
free to candidates - that's where most of the money goes. --CGE]
The New York Times
January 22, 2010
Justices Overturn Key Campaign Limits
By ADAM LIPTAK
WASHINGTON — Sweeping aside a century-old understanding and overruling two
important precedents, a bitterly divided Supreme Court on Thursday ruled that
the government may not ban political spending by corporations in candidate
elections.
The ruling was a vindication, the majority said, of the First Amendment’s most
basic free speech principle — that the government has no business regulating
political speech. The dissenters said allowing corporate money to flood the
political marketplace will corrupt democracy.
The 5-to-4 decision was a doctrinal earthquake but also a political and
practical one. Specialists in campaign finance law said they expected the
decision, which also applies to labor unions and other organizations, to reshape
the way elections are conducted.
“If the First Amendment has any force,” Justice Anthony M. Kennedy wrote for the
majority, which included the four members of its conservative wing, “it
prohibits Congress from fining or jailing citizens, or associations of citizens,
for simply engaging in political speech.”
Justice John Paul Stevens read a long dissent from the bench. He said the
majority had committed a grave error in treating corporate speech the same as
that of human beings. His decision was joined by the other three members of the
court’s liberal wing.
Senator Mitch McConnell, the Republican leader and a longtime opponent of
broader campaign-finance restrictions, praised the Court’s decision. In a
statement Thursday he called it “an important step in the direction of restoring
the First Amendment rights of these groups by ruling that the Constitution
protects their right to express themselves about political candidates and issues
up until Election Day.”
“By previously denying this right, the government was picking winners and
losers,” he said.
The case had unlikely origins. It involved a documentary called “Hillary: The
Movie,” a 90-minute stew of caustic political commentary and advocacy
journalism. It was produced by Citizens United, a conservative nonprofit
corporation, and was released during the Democratic presidential primaries in 2008.
Citizens United lost a suit that year against the Federal Election Commission,
and scuttled plans to show the film on a cable video-on-demand service and to
broadcast television advertisements for it. But the film was shown in theaters
in six cities, and it remains available on DVD and the Internet.
The lower court said the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002, usually called
the McCain-Feingold law, prohibited the planned broadcasts. The law bans the
broadcast, cable or satellite transmission of “electioneering communications”
paid for by corporations in the 30 days before a presidential primary and in the
60 days before the general election. That leaves out old technologies, like
newspapers, and new ones, like YouTube.
The law, as narrowed by a 2007 Supreme Court decision, applies to communications
“susceptible to no reasonable interpretation other than as an appeal to vote for
or against a specific candidate.” It also requires spoken and written
disclaimers in the film and advertisements for it, along with the disclosure of
contributors’ names.
The lower court said the film was a prohibited electioneering communication with
one purpose: “to inform the electorate that Senator Clinton is unfit for office,
that the United States would be a dangerous place in a President Hillary Clinton
world and that viewers should vote against her.”
The McCain-Feingold law does contain an exception for broadcast news reports,
commentaries and editorials.
When the case was first argued last March, it seemed a curiosity likely to be
decided on narrow grounds. The court could have ruled that Citizens United was
not the sort of group to which the McCain-Feingold law was meant to apply, or
that the law did not mean to address 90-minute documentaries, or that
video-on-demand technologies were not regulated by the law. Thursday’s decision
rejected those alternatives.
Instead of deciding the case in June, the court set down the case for a rare
re-argument in September. It now asked the parties to address the much more
consequential question of whether the court should overrule a 1990 decision,
Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, which upheld restrictions on corporate
spending to support or oppose political candidates, along with part of McConnell
v. Federal Election Commission, the 2003 decision that upheld the central
provisions of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law.
On Thursday, the court answered its own questions with a resounding yes.
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/01/22/us/politics/22scotus.html
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