[Peace-discuss] Occupy! LA Rejects National Defense Authorization Act
Carl G. Estabrook
galliher at illinois.edu
Sun Dec 4 09:16:09 CST 2011
Now is my way clear, now is the meaning plain:
Temptation shall not come in this kind again.
The last temptation is the greatest treason:
To do the right deed for the wrong reason.
Let’s be very clear, though, about what the “veto threat” is and is
not. All things considered, I’m glad the White House is opposing this
bill rather than supporting it. But, with a few exceptions, the
objections raised by the White House are not grounded in substantive
problems with these powers, but rather in the argument that such
matters are for the Executive Branch, not the Congress, to decide. In
other words, the White House’s objections are grounded in broad
theories of Executive Power. They are not arguing: it is wrong to deny
accused Terrorists a trial. Instead they insist: whether an accused
Terrorist is put in military detention rather than civilian custody is
for the President alone to decide. Over and over, the White House’s
statement emphasizes Executive power as the basis for its objections
to Levin/McCain:
"Broadly speaking, the detention provisions in this bill micromanage
the work of our experienced counterterrorism professionals, including
our military commanders, intelligence professionals, seasoned
counterterrorism prosecutors, or other operatives in the field. These
professionals have successfully led a Government-wide effort to
disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al-Qa’ida and its affiliates and
adherents over two consecutive Administrations. The Administration
believes strongly that it would be a mistake for Congress to overrule
or limit the tactical flexibility of our Nation’s counterterrorism
professionals."
It’s certainly possible that the administration is simply offering
these Executive Power arguments as a fig leaf to hide their more
politically difficult substantive objections to expanding the War on
Terror. But that seems unlikely in the extreme, given that — as I have
documented — most of these powers are ones expressly claimed and used
already by the Obama administration. Does anyone believe that the same
President who kills his own citizens without a whiff of due process or
transparency is suddenly so concerned about the imperatives of due
process? Indeed, Marcy Wheeler has repeatedly suggested that, in some
important respects, Levin/McCain could actually limit Executive Power
beyond what the Obama DOJ has seized, and for that reason, has mixed
feelings about the Udall amendment to remove it:
"As I have repeatedly described, I have very mixed feelings about the
debate over Detainee Provisions set to pass the Senate tonight or
tomorrow. I view it as a fight between advocates of martial law and
advocates of relatively unchecked Presidential power. And as I’ve
pointed out, the SASC compromise language actually limits Presidential
power as it has been interpreted in a series of secret OLC opinions."
I’m willing to believe that there is genuine White House opposition to
having the military detain and imprison U.S. citizens on U.S. soil,
and that’s commendable if true (though it’s a sign of just how
extremist our government is that we’re grateful for that). Indeed, the
Obama administration has opted for civilian trials for accused
Terrorists captured on U.S. soil (outside of Padilla, so, too, did the
Bush DOJ, and even Padilla was eventually charged). But by and large
the White House’s objections are not to these powers but — explicitly
— to the idea that Congress rather than the President can dictate how
they are exercised. The White House isn’t defending due process or
limited war; it’s defending broad Executive prerogatives to prosecute
the war without Congressional interference.
In that regard, the “debate” over this bill has taken on the standard
vapid, substance-free, anti-democratic form that shapes most
Washington debates. Even Democratic opponents of the bill, such as
Mark Udall, have couched their opposition in these Executive Power
arguments: that it’s better for National Security if the CIA, the
Pentagon and the DOJ decides what is done with Terrorists, not
Congress. In other words, the debate has entailed very little
discussion of whether these powers are dangerous or Constitutional,
and has instead focused almost entirely on which of Our Nation’s
Strong National Security Experts should make these decisions (one of
the few exceptions to this is Rand Paul, who, continuing in his New-
Russ-Feingold role on these issues, passionately argued why these
powers are such a menace to basic Constitutional guarantees). In sum,
the debate is over who in the National Security Priesthood should get
to decide which accused Terrorist suspects are denied due process, not
whether they should be.
* * * * *
[The preceding - except for the verse - is from <http://www.salon.com/2011/12/01/congress_endorsing_military_detention_a_new_aumf/singleton/
>.] --CGE
On Dec 4, 2011, at 3:28 AM, E. Wayne Johnson wrote:
> The General Assembly of Occupy Los Angeles adopted the following
> statement and demand on Saturday, December 3, 2011:
>
> Occupy Los Angeles Rejects the National Defense Authorization Act
>
> Occupy Los Angeles demands that President Obama veto the National
> Defense Authorization Act. The legislation includes provisions which
> destroy the Constitutional rights of Habeas Corpus and Due Process.
> American citizens and all people everywhere have the inalienable
> right to contest their imprisonment and to a civilian trial by jury.
> We reject this and all legislation which abridges these rights as
> well as the false belief that doing so will make the nation more
> secure. The bill also contains sanctions against the oil industry
> and monetary systems of Iran which are clear predecessors to a
> military attack. Additionally, the bill funds wars that the majority
> of Americans oppose. These endless, senseless wars only serve the
> Corporatist interests of the 1% and we oppose this and all
> legislation which enables and perpetuates them.
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