[Peace-discuss] FW: World Labor Hour Saturday August 27th

Boyle, Francis A fboyle at illinois.edu
Mon Aug 29 12:44:34 UTC 2016


In my WEFT interview I briefly mentioned that Killer Koh went to work for Reagan from 1983 to 1985, justifying every hideous atrocity Reagan was inflicting upon innocent people all over the world. These Reaganites were and still are Nazis, including Killer Koh. I am not exaggerating. I was Chairman of the following International Tribunal. I did the first draft of the Judgment, then negotiated it out with my Colleagues, one of whom was the late, great Mary Kaufman, who prosecuted IG Farben at Nuremberg. Mary signed my Judgment  as revised. RIP.  I explained all of this to the Law Faculty. It made no difference to them. Not one of them supported me. The University of Illinois College of Law Faculty have now become Accessories After the Fact to All the Crimes committed by Killer Koh/Clinton/Obama/Reagan. They are not fit to educate Lawyers, Members of the Bar, and Officers of the Court. Indeed their repeated gross ethical violations and sanctions by the past 3 Deans and 3 Acting Deans in a row prove it, including a $250,000 Fine for Gross Unethical Behavior by the American Bar Association that I already circulated to you, which is unprecedented in American Legal Education. Their invitation to Killer Koh to come here to campaign for Clinton on October 28 ten days before the election is the tip of the iceberg  of what has been going on around here for decades: their legal and ethical nihilism. fab


Francis A. Boyle
Law Building
504 E. Pennsylvania Ave.
Champaign IL 61820 USA
217-333-7954 (phone)
217-244-1478 (fax)
(personal comments only)


-----Original Message-----
From: nytr at olm.blythe-systems.com [mailto:nytr at olm.blythe-systems.com]
Sent: Tuesday, June 15, 2004 3:47 PM
To: undisclosed-recipients <undisclosed-recipients:;>
Subject: [NYTr] Reagan and Nuremberg - Boyle

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sent by Francis Boyle

WAR IS PEACE
FREEDOM IS SLAVERY
IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH
WE ALL LOVE BIG BROTHER
REAGAN WAS PRESIDENT IN 1984

Conclusions and Judgment of Brussels Tribunal on Reagan's Foreign Policy
(September 30, 1984)

The International Conference on the Reagan administration's foreign policy
convened in Brussels from 28-30 September, 1984 under the auspices of the
International Progress Organization. Reports were submitted by international
jurists and foreign policy specialists on the various aspects of the Reagan
administration's foreign policy.

Among the participants of the conference were Sean McBride (Nobel Laureate,
Ireland), Prof. George Wald (Nobel Laureate, Harvard University), General
Edgardo Mercado Jarrin  (Peru), General Nino Pasti (former Deputy Supreme
Commander of NATO) and Hortensia Bussi de Allende (Chile). The reports were
presented before a panel of jurists consisting of Hon. Farouk Abu-Eissa
(Sudan), attorney, former foreign minister, secretary-general of the Arab
Lawyers Union; Prof. Francis A. Boyle (U.S.A.), professor of international
law from the University of Illinois, Chairman; Dr. Hans Goeran Franck
(Sweden), attorney, member of the Swedish Parliament; Hon. Mirza Gholam
Hafiz (Bangladesh), former Speaker of the Bangladesh Parliament and
currently a senior advocate of the Bangladesh Supreme Court; Hon. Mary M.
Kaufman (U.S.A.), attorney-at-law, prosecuting attorney at the Nuremberg War
Crimes Trial against I.G. Farben; Dr. Jean-Claude Njem (Cameroon),
assistant-professor at the Faculty of Law, Uppsala University and a
consultant of the government; Prof. Alberto Ruiz-Eldredge (Peru), professor
of law, former president of the National Council of Justice; and Dr. Muemlaz
Soysal (Turkey), professor of constitutional law, University of Ankara.


An accusation against the international legality of the Reagan
Administration's foreign policy was delivered by the Honorable Ramsey Clark,
former U.S. Attorney General. The defense was presented by a legal expert of
the Reagan Administration.

Based upon all the reports and documents submitted and the arguments by the
advocates, the Brussels Panel of Jurists hereby renders the following
conclusions concerning the compatibility of the Reagan Administration's
foreign policy with the requirements of international law.

A.      Introduction

1.      General Introduction. The Reagan administration's foreign policy
constitutes a gross violation of the fundamental principles of international
law enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations Organization, as well as
the basic rules of customary international law set forth in the UN General
Assembly's Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the
Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of Their Independence and
Sovereignty (1965), its Declaration on the Principles of International Law
Concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation Among States in Accordance
with the Charter of the United Nations (1970), and its Definition of
Aggression (1974), among others. In addition, the Reagan administration is
responsible for complicity in the commission of crimes against peace, crimes
against humanity, war crimes and grave breaches of the Third and Fourth
Geneva Conventions of 1949.

B.     Western Hemisphere

2.      Grenada. The Reagan administration's 1983 invasion of Grenada was a
clear-cut violation of the UN Charter articles 2(3), 2(4), and 33 as well as
of articles 18, 20, and 21 of the Revised OAS Charter for which there was no
valid excuse or justification under international law. As such, it
constituted an act of aggression within the meaning of article 39 of the
United Nation's Charter.

3.      Threat of U.S. Intervention. In direct violation of the basic
requirement of international law mandating the peaceful settlement of
international disputes, the Reagan administration has implemented a foreign
policy towards Central American that constitutes a great danger of
escalation in military hostilities to the point of precipitating armed
intervention by U.S. troops into combat against both the insurgents in El
Salvador and the legitimate government of Nicaragua.

4.      El Salvador. The Reagan administration's illegal intervention inot
El Salvador's civil war contravenes the international legal right of
self-determination of peoples as recognized by article 1(2) of the United
Nations Charter. The Reagan administration has provided enormous amounts of
military assistance to an oppressive regime that has used it to perpetrate a
gross and consistent pattern of violations of the most fundamental human
rights of the people of El Salvador.

5.      Nicaragua. The Reagan administration's policy of organizing and
participating in military operations by opposition contra groups for the
purpose of overthrowing the legitimate government of Nicaragua violates the
terms of both the UN and OAS. Charters prohibiting the threat or use of
force against the political independence of a state. The Reagan
administration has flouted its obligation to terminate immediately its
support for the opposition contra groups in accordance with the Interim
Order of Protection issued by the International Court of Justice on 10 May
1984.

6.      The International Court of Justice. The Panel denounces the patently
bogus attempt by the Reagan administration to withdraw from the compulsory
jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice in the suit brought
against it by Nicaragua for the purpose of avoiding a peaceful settlement of
this dispute by the World Court in order to pursue instead a policy based
upon military intervention, lawless violence and destabilization of the
legitimate government of Nicaragua.

7.      Mining Nicaraguan Harbors. The Reagan administration's mining of
Nicaraguan harbors violates the rules of international law set forth in the
1907 Hague Convention on the laying of Submarine Mines, to which both
Nicaragua and the United States are parties.

C.     Nuclear Weapons Policies

8.      Arms Control Treaties. The Reagan administration has refused to
support the ratification of the Threshold Test Ban Treaty of 1974, the
Peaceful Nuclear Explosions Treaty of 1976, and the SALT II Treaty of 1979.
In addition to renouncing the longstanding objective of the U.S. government
to renegotiate a comprehensive test ban treaty. As such the Reagan
administration has failed to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective
measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and
to nuclear disarmament as required by article 6 of the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty of 1968. Similarly, the Reagan administration's
"Strategic Defense Initiative" of 1983 threatens to breach the
Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems Treaty of 1972.

9.      Pershing 2 Missiles. The deployment of the offensive, first-strike,
counterforce strategic nuclear weapons system known as the Pershing 2
missile in the Federal Republic of Germany violates the non-circumvention
clause found in article 12 of the SALT II Treaty. The Reagan administration
is bound to obey this prohibition pursuant to the rule of customary
international law enunciated in article 18 of the 1969 Vienna Convention on
the Law of Treaties to the effect that a signatory to a treaty is obliged to
refrain from acts that would defeat the object and purpose of a treaty until
it has made its intention clear not to become a party.

10.  The MX Missile. The MX missile is an offensive, first-strike,
counterforce, strategic nuclear weapons system that can serve no legitimate
defensive purpose under UN Charter article 51 and the international laws of
humanitarian armed conflict.

11.  No-First-Use. In accordance with UN General Assembly Resolution 1553 of
24 November 1961, the Panel denounces the refusal by the Reagan
administration to adopt a policy mandating the no-first-use of nuclear
weapons in the event of a conventional attack as required by the basic rule
of international law dictating proportionality in the use of force even for
the purposes of legitimate self-defense.

12.  ASAT Treaty. The Panel calls upon both the United States and the Soviet
Union to negotiate unconditionally over the conclusion of an anti-satellite
weapons treaty.

D.     Middle East

13.  Lebanon. For the part it played in the planning, preparation and
initiation of the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon, the Reagan
administration has committed a crime against peace as defined by the
Nuremberg Principles. Likewise, under the Nuremberg Principles, the Reagan
administration becomes an accomplice to the crimes against humanity, war
crimes and grave breaches of the Third and Fourth Geneva Conventions of 1949
that have been committed or condoned by Israel and its allied Phalange and
Haddad militia forces in Lebanon. Such complicity includes the savage
massacre of genocidal character of hundreds of innocent Palestinians and
Lebanese civilians by organized unites of the Phalangist militia at the
Sabra and Shatila refugee camps located in West Beirut that were then
subject to control by the occupying Israeli army. The Reagan administration
has totally failed to discharge its obligation to obtain Israel's immediate
and unconditional withdrawal from all parts of Lebanon as required by UN
Security Council Resolutions 508 and 509 (1982), both of which are legally
binding in Israel and the United States under UN Charter article 28. This
includes Israeli evacuation of southern Lebanon.

14.  The Palestinian Question. The Reagan administration's policy toward the
Palestinian people as well as the Reagan "Peace Plan" of 1 September 1982
violates the international legal right of the Palestinian people to
self-determination as recognized by UN Charter article 1(2). As recognized
by numerous General Assembly resolutions, the Palestinian people have an
international legal right to create and independent and sovereign state. The
Palestinian Liberation Organization has been recognized as the legitimate
representative of the Palestinian people by both the United Nations General
Assembly and the League of Arab States. The Reagan administration's
nonrecognition of the PLO and its attempt to brand the PLO a "terrorist"
group contravene the Palestinian people's right to liberation. The panel
denounces the negative attitude of the Reagan Administration towards the
call by the United Nations' Secretary General for the convocation of an
international conference under the auspices of the United Nations, with the
United States and the Soviet Union as co-chairmen, and with the
participation of all parties involved in the conflict  including the PLO,
for the purpose of obtaining a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.

15.  Israeli Settlements. The Reagan administration's declared position that
Israeli settlements in the Occupied Territories are "not illegal" is a
violation of U.S. obligations under article 1 of the Fourth Geneva
Convention of 1949 to ensure respect for the terms of the Convention (here
article 49) by other High Contracting Parties such as Israel.

16.  Libya. The Reagan administration's dispatch of the U.S. Sixth Fleet
into the Gulf of Sidra for the purpose of precipitating armed conflict with
the Libyan government constitutes a breach fo the peace under Article 39 of
the UN Charter. The Reagan administration's policy to attempt to destabilize
the government of Libya violates the terms of the United Nations Charter
article 2(4) prohibiting the threat or use of force directed against the
political independence of a state.

E.     Africa, Asia and the Indian Ocean

17.  Apartheid. The Panel denounces the Reagan administration's so-called
policy of "constructive engagement" toward the apartheid regime in South
Africa. This specious policy encourages discrimination and oppression
against the majority of the people of South Africa; it hampers effective
action by the international community against apartheid and facilitates
aggressive conduct by the South African apartheid regime against neighbor
states in violation of the UN Charter. As such, the Reagan administration
has become an accomplice to the commission of the international crime of
apartheid as recognized by the universally accepted International Convention
on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid of 1973. The
Panel also denounces the cooperation between the Reagan administration and
South Africa in military and nuclear matters.

18.  Namibia. The Reagan administration has refused to carry out its
obligations under Security Council Resolution 435 (1978) providing for the
independence of Namibia, as required by article 25 of the UN Charter. The
right of the Namibian people to self-determination had been firmly
established under international law long before the outbreak of the Angolan
civil war. The Reagan administration has no right to obstruct the
achievement of Namibian independence by conditioning it or "linking" it to
the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola in any way. Both the UN General
Assembly and the Organization of African Unity have recognized SWAPI as the
legitimate representative of the Namibian people and the Reagan
administration is obligated to negotiate with it as such.

19.  Angola. Cuban troops are in Angola at the request of the legitimate
government of Angola in order to protect it from overt and covert aggression
mounted by the South African apartheid regime from Namibia. There is
absolutely no international legal justification for South African aggression
against Angola in order to maintain and consolidate its reprehensible
occupation of Namibia. The Angolan government has repeatedly stated that
when South Africa leaves Namibia it will request the withdrawal of Cuban
troops, and Cuba has agreed to withdraw its troops whenever so requested by
Angola. According to the relevant rules of international law, that is the
proper sequence of events to be followed. The Reagan administration's
"linkage" of the presence of the Cuban troops in Angola with the
independence of Namibia encourages South African aggression against Angola,
and thus it must share in the responsibility for South Africa's genocidal
acts against the people of Angola.

20.  Indian Ocean. The Reagan administration's continued military occupation
of the island of Diego Garcia violates the international right of
self-determination of the people of Mauritius as recognized by the United
Nations Charter. The Reagan administration has accelerated the rapid
militarization of the U.S. naval base on Diego Garcia as part of its plan to
create a jumping-off point for intervention by the Rapid Deployment Force
into the Persian Gulf. As such the Reagan administration 's foreign policy
towards the Indian Ocean has violated the terms of the UN General Assembly's
Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace (1971).

F.      Conclusion

21.      United Nations Action. From the foregoing, it is clear that the
Reagan administration has substituted force for the rule of international
law in its conduct of foreign policy around the world. It has thus created a
serious threat to the maintenance of international peace and security under
article 39 of the United Nations Charter that calls for the imposition of
enforcement measures by the UN Security Council under articles 41 and 42. In
the event the Reagan administration exercises its veto power against the
adoption of such measures by the Security Council, the matter should be
turned over the to UN General assembly for action in accordance with the
procedures set forth in the Uniting for Peace Resolution of 1950. In this
way the Reagan administration's grievous international transgressions could
be effectively opposed by all members of the world community in a manner
consistent with the requirements of international law.

Both the Security Council and the General Assembly should also take into
account the numerous interventionist measures taken by the Reagan
Administration, whether direct or indirect, seeking to impose financial and
economic policies which are contrary to the sovereign independence of
states, especially in the developing world, and which severely damage the
quality of life for all peoples.

Farouk Abu-Eissa
Mary Kaufman
Francis A. Boyle, Chairman
Jean-Claude Njem
Hans Goeran Franck
Alberto Ruiz-Eldredge
Mirza Gholam Hafiz
Muemlaz Soysal

Brussels, Belgium
30 September 1984.

Francis A. Boyle
Law Building
504 E. Pennsylvania Ave.
Champaign, IL 61820 USA
217-333-7954 (voice)
217-244-1478 (fax)

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Francis A. Boyle
Law Building
504 E. Pennsylvania Ave.
Champaign IL 61820 USA
217-333-7954 (phone)
217-244-1478 (fax)
(personal comments only)

From: Boyle, Francis A
Sent: Saturday, August 27, 2016 1:24 PM
To: Amanda Bass <abass10 at gmail.com>; 'C. G. Estabrook' <carl at newsfromneptune.com>; 'Peace Discuss' <peace-discuss at anti-war.net>; 'Karen Aram' <karenaram at hotmail.com>; 'C. G. Estabrook' <cge at shout.net>; 'David Green' <davegreen84 at yahoo.com>; 'David Johnson' <davidjohnson1451 at comcast.net>; 'Stuart Levy' <stuartnlevy at gmail.com>; 'Karen Medina' <kmedina67 at gmail.com>; Szoke, Ron <r-szoke at illinois.edu>; 'Mildred O'brien' <moboct1 at aim.com>; 'Peace Discuss' <peace-discuss at anti-war.net>; 'peace at lists.chambana.net' <peace at lists.chambana.net>; 'davegreen84 at yahoo.com' <davegreen84 at yahoo.com>; Readel, Karin <kereadel at illinois.edu>; Estabrook, Carl G <galliher at illinois.edu>; 'Belden Fields' <a-fields at uiuc.edu>; 'jmachota at shout.net' <jmachota at shout.net>; 'Vietnam Veterans Against the War Mailing List' <vvawnet at prairienet.org>; 'Bryan Savage' <bryan at sneezingdogs.com>; Hoffman, Valerie J <vhoffman at illinois.edu>; Miller, Joseph Thomas <jtmiller at illinois.edu>
Subject: FW: FW: World Labor Hour Saturday August 27th

       Here is the link to our interview today. I want to thank David for putting giving me the Platform. As said on the program, WILL has blackballed me off there for years because of my support for the Palestinians. I have added Amanda Bass to this informal Killer Koh list. Amanda was a law student at NYU Law who had the courage, integrity and principles to oppose Killer Koh there despite substantial faculty and national legal  opposition.

Fab


Francis A. Boyle
Law Building
504 E. Pennsylvania Ave.
Champaign IL 61820 USA
217-333-7954 (phone)
217-244-1478 (fax)
(personal comments only)

From: David Johnson [mailto:davidjohnson1451 at comcast.net]
Sent: Saturday, August 27, 2016 1:11 PM
To: Boyle, Francis A <fboyle at illinois.edu<mailto:fboyle at illinois.edu>>; Amanda Bass <abass10 at gmail.com<mailto:abass10 at gmail.com>>
Subject: RE: FW: World Labor Hour Saturday August 27th

Yes,

You can go to www.weft.org<https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=http-3A__www.weft.org&d=CwMFaQ&c=8hUWFZcy2Z-Za5rBPlktOQ&r=iioab8BLQ6IJxt-3gLhYzf1aAvTbGVgzPJj9W_0ugn0&m=Jl9A_cS26y6R4MYVP_17vcPp7S8XiOUhmWl9uZeds4E&s=KptcfUN0ISWQidVeeO_cosCRrcql0wibXfgXluEBpyU&e=> and download an audio copy from the archive for todays World Labor Hour broadcast.

It was a real pleasure to finally meet you Francis, and you were fantastic on the radio today.

David Johnson

From: Boyle, Francis A [mailto:fboyle at illinois.edu]
Sent: Saturday, August 27, 2016 12:59 PM
To: Amanda Bass
Cc: David Johnson
Subject: RE: FW: World Labor Hour Saturday August 27th

Thanks for your kind words. They were most appreciated. You can ask David Johnson at WEFT if he could be so kind as to post a link to the web—assuming it was recorded. Fab.



Francis A. Boyle
Law Building
504 E. Pennsylvania Ave.
Champaign IL 61820 USA
217-333-7954 (phone)
217-244-1478 (fax)
(personal comments only)

From: Amanda Bass [mailto:abass10 at gmail.com]
Sent: Saturday, August 27, 2016 12:50 PM
To: Boyle, Francis A <fboyle at illinois.edu<mailto:fboyle at illinois.edu>>
Subject: Re: FW: World Labor Hour Saturday August 27th

Thanks so much for your courage and your witness. The law school's (and the faculty) response to your effort to bring awareness about Killer Koh's record and to contest his appearance this fall is horrendous. Unbelievable (but not surprising) that not a single member of the law school faculty has the courage or the human decency to stand in solidarity with you and against an obvious war criminal.

Do you know if today's show will be posted online? I'd like to circulate it and to send it to Debra and Nick.

Solidarity,

Amanda

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