[Peace-discuss] NYT front page article on Sweden (5,000 words)

[David Green]

I think it's important to understand how the immigrant issue is being
weaponized by liberals, with Putin playing the same role that Communism in
general did during the Cold War. These people were not worried about the
scurrilous things that Daniel Pipes and Judith Miller etc. were saying
about Muslims in the 1990s; now they can't get enough of neo-fascism. The
agenda of this article is, to me, very transparent: scare people into
voting for any Democrat who is put forward.

It would be interesting to know whether the local pro-immigrant groups and
members, like "Bend the Arc," accept this analysis.

https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/10/world/europe/sweden-immigration-nationalism.html?action=click&module=Top%20Stories&pgtype=Homepage



*The New Nativists*

*The Global Machine Behind the Rise of Far-Right Nationalism*

*Sweden was long seen as a progressive utopia. Then came waves of
immigrants — and the forces of populism at home and abroad.*

*The square where witnesses said Russian journalists were trying to bribe
immigrants into violence.*

By Jo Becker

Aug. 10, 2019

RINKEBY, Sweden — Johnny Castillo, a Peruvian-born neighborhood watchman in
this district of Stockholm, still puzzles over the strange events that two
years ago turned the central square of this predominantly immigrant
community into a symbol of multiculturalism run amok.

First came a now-infamous comment by President Trump, suggesting that
Sweden’s history of welcoming refugees was at the root of a violent attack
in Rinkeby the previous evening, even though nothing had actually happened.

“You look at what’s happening last night in Sweden. Sweden! Who would
believe this? Sweden!” Mr. Trump told supporters at a rally on Feb. 18,
2017. “They took in large numbers. They’re having problems like they never
thought possible.”

But two days later, as Swedish officials were heaping bemused derision on
Mr. Trump, something did in fact happen in Rinkeby: Several dozen masked
men attacked police officers making a drug arrest, throwing rocks and
setting cars ablaze.

And it was right around that time, according to Mr. Castillo and four other
witnesses, that Russian television crews showed up, offering to pay
immigrant youths “to make trouble” in front of the cameras.

“They wanted to show that President Trump is right about Sweden,” Mr.
Castillo said, “that people

That nativist rhetoric — that immigrants are invading the homeland — has
gained ever-greater traction, and political acceptance, across the West
amid dislocations wrought by vast waves of migration from the Middle East,
Africa and Latin America. In its most extreme form, it is echoed in the
online manifesto of the man accused of gunning down 22 people last weekend
in El Paso.

In the nationalists’ message-making, Sweden has become a prime cautionary
tale, dripping with schadenfreude. What is even more striking is how many
people in Sweden — progressive, egalitarian, welcoming Sweden — seem to be
warming to the nationalists’ view: that immigration has brought crime,
chaos and a fraying of the cherished social safety net, not to mention a
withering away of national culture and tradition.

Fueled by an immigration backlash — Sweden has accepted more refugees per
capita than any other European country — right-wing populism has taken
hold, reflected most prominently in the steady ascent of a political party
with neo-Nazi roots, the Sweden Democrats. In elections last year, they
captured nearly 18 percent of the vote.

To dig beneath the surface of what is happening in Sweden, though, is to
uncover the workings of an international disinformation machine, devoted to
the cultivation, provocation and amplication of far-right, anti-immigrant
passions and political forces. Indeed, that machine, most influentially
rooted in Vladimir V. Putin’s Russia and the American far right,
underscores a fundamental irony of this political moment: the globalization
of nationalism.

The central target of these manipulations from abroad — and the chief
instrument of the Swedish nationalists’ success — is the country’s
increasingly popular, and virulently anti-immigrant, digital echo chamber.

A New York Times examination of its content, personnel and traffic patterns
illustrates how foreign state and nonstate actors have helped to give viral
momentum to a clutch of Swedish far-right web sites.

Russian and Western entities that traffic in disinformation, including an
Islamaphobic think tank whose former chairman is now Mr. Trump’s national
security adviser, have been crucial linkers to the Swedish sites, helping
to spread their message to susceptible Swedes.

At least six Swedish sites have received financial backing through
advertising revenue from a Russian- and Ukrainian-owned auto-parts business
based in Berlin, whose online sales network oddly contains buried digital
links to a range of far-right and other socially divisive content.

Writers and editors for the Swedish sites have been befriended by the
Kremlin. And in one strange Rube Goldbergian chain of events, a frequent
German contributor to one Swedish site has been implicated in the financing
of a bombing in Ukraine, in a suspected Russian false-flag operation.

The distorted view of Sweden pumped out by this disinformation machine has
been used, in turn, by anti-immigrant parties in Britain, Germany, Italy
and elsewhere to stir xenophobia and gin up votes, according to the
Institute for Strategic Dialogue, a London-based nonprofit that tracks the
online spread of far-right extremism.

“I’d put Sweden up there with the anti-Soros campaign,” said Chloe
Colliver, a researcher for the institute, referring to anti-Semitic attacks
on George Soros, the billionaire benefactor of liberal causes. “It’s become
an enduring centerpiece of the far-right conversation.”

>From Margins to Mainstream

Mattias Karlsson, the Sweden Democrats’ international secretary and chief
ideologist, likes to tell the story of how he became a soldier in what he
has described as the “existential battle for our culture’s and our nation’s
survival.”

It was the mid-1990s and Mr. Karlsson, now 41, was attending high school in
the southern city of Vaxjo. Sweden was accepting a record number of
refugees from the Balkan War and other conflicts. In Vaxjo and elsewhere,
young immigrant men began joining brawling “kicker” gangs, radicalizing Mr.
Karlsson and drawing him toward the local skinhead scene.

He took to wearing a leather jacket with a Swedish flag on the back and was
soon introduced to Mats Nilsson, a Swedish National Socialist leader who
gave him a copy of “Mein Kampf.” They began to debate: Mr. Nilsson argued
that the goal should be ethnic purity — the preservation of “Swedish DNA.”
Mr. Karlsson countered that the focus should be on preserving national
culture and identity. That, he said, was when Mr. Nilsson conferred on him
an epithet of insufficient commitment to the cause — “meatball patriot,”
meaning that “I thought that every African or Arab can come to this country
as long as they assimilate and eat meatballs.”

It is an account that offers the most benign explanation for an odious
association. Whatever the case, in 1999, he joined the Sweden Democrats, a
party undeniably rooted in Sweden’s neo-Nazi movement. Indeed, scholars of
the far right say that is what sets it apart from most anti-immigration
parties in Europe and makes its rise from marginalized to mainstream so
remarkable.

The party was founded in 1988 by several Nazi ideologues, including a
former member of the Waffen SS. Early on, it sought international alliances
with the likes of the White Aryan Resistance, a white supremacist group
founded by a former grand dragon of the Ku Klux Klan. Some Sweden Democrats
wore Nazi uniforms to party functions. Its platform included the forced
repatriation of all immigrants since 1970.

That was not, however, a winning formula in a country where social
democrats have dominated every election for more than a century.

While attending university, Mr. Karlsson had met Jimmie Akesson, who took
over the Sweden Democrats’ youth party in 2000 and became party leader in
2005. Mr. Akesson was outspoken in his belief that Muslim refugees posed
“the biggest foreign threat to Sweden since the Second World War.” But to
make that case effectively, he and Mr. Karlsson agreed, they needed to
remake the party’s image.

“We needed to really address our past,” Mr. Karlsson said.

They purged neo-Nazis who had been exposed by the press. They announced a
“zero tolerance” policy toward extreme xenophobia and racism, emphasized
their youthful leadership and urged members to dress presentably. And while
immigration remained at the center of their platform, they moderated the
way they talked about it.

No longer was the issue framed in terms of keeping certain ethnic groups
out, or deporting those already in. Rather it was about how unassimilated
migrants were eviscerating not just the nation’s cultural identity but also
the social-welfare heart of the Swedish state.

Under the grand, egalitarian idea of the “folkhemmet,” or people’s home, in
which the country is a family and its citizens take care of one another,
Swedes pay among the world’s highest effective tax rates, in return for
benefits like child care, health care, free college education and
assistance when they grow old.

The safety net has come under strain for a host of economic and demographic
reasons, many of which predate the latest refugee flood. But in the Sweden
Democrats’ telling, the blame lies squarely at the feet of the foreigners,
many of whom lag far behind native Swedes in education and economic
accomplishment. One party advertisement depicted a white woman trying to
collect benefits while being pursued by niqab-wearing immigrants pushing
strollers.

To what extent the party’s makeover is just window dressing is an open
question.

The doubts were highlighted in what became known as “the Iron Pipe Scandal”
in 2012. Leaked video showed two Sweden Democrat MPs and the party’s
candidate for attorney general hurling racist slurs at a comedian of
Kurdish descent, then threatening a drunken witness with iron pipes.

Under Mr. Akesson and Mr. Karlsson, the party has hosted the American white
nationalist Richard Spencer. High-ranking party officials have bounced
between Sweden and Hungary, ruled by the authoritarian nationalist Prime
Minister Viktor Orban. Mr. Karlsson himself has come under fire for calling
out an extremist site as neo-fascist while using an alias to recommend
posts as “worth reading” to party members.

“There’s a public face and the face they wear behind closed doors,” said
Daniel Poohl, who heads Expo, a Stockholm-based foundation that tracks
far-right extremism.

Still, even detractors admit that strategy has worked. In 2010, the Sweden
Democrats captured 5.7 percent of the vote, enough for the party, and Mr.
Karlsson, to enter Parliament for the first time. That share has steadily
increased along with the growing population of refugees. (Today, roughly 20
percent of Sweden’s population is foreign born.)

At its peak in 2015, Sweden accepted 163,000 asylum-seekers, mostly from
Afghanistan, Somalia and Syria. Though border controls and tighter rules
have eased that flow, Ardalan Shekarabi, the country’s public
administration minister, acknowledged that his government had been slow to
act.

Mr. Shekarabi, an immigrant from Iran, said the sheer number of refugees
had overwhelmed the government’s efforts to integrate them.

“I absolutely don’t think that the majority of Swedes have racist or
xenophobic views, but they had questions about this migration policy and
the other parties didn’t have any answers,” he said. “Which is one of the
reasons why Sweden Democrats had a case.”

A Right-Wing Echo Chamber

As the 2018 elections approached, Swedish counterintelligence was on high
alert for foreign interference. Russia, the hulking neighbor to the east,
was seen as the main threat. After the Kremlin’s meddling in the 2016
American election, Sweden had reason to fear it could be next.

“Russia’s goal is to weaken Western countries by polarizing the debate,”
said Daniel Stenling, the Swedish Security Service’s counterintelligence
chief. “For the last five years, we have seen more and more aggressive
intelligence work against our nation.”

But as it turned out, there was no hacking and dumping of internal campaign
documents, as in the United States. Nor was there an overt effort to swing
the election to the Sweden Democrats, perhaps because the party, in keeping
with Swedish popular opinion, has become more critical of the Kremlin than
some of its far-right European counterparts.

Instead, security officials say, the foreign influence campaign took a
different, more subtle form: helping nurture Sweden’s rapidly evolving
far-right digital ecosystem.

For years, the Sweden Democrats had struggled to make their case to the
public. Many mainstream media outlets declined their ads. The party even
had difficulty getting the postal service to deliver its mailers. So it
built a network of closed Facebook pages whose reach would ultimately
exceed that of any other party.

But to thrive in the viral sense, that network required fresh, alluring
content. It drew on a clutch of relatively new websites whose popularity
was exploding.

Members of the Sweden Democrats helped create two of them: Samhallsnytt
(News in Society) and Nyheter Idag (News Today). By the 2018 election year,
they, along with a site called Fria Tider (Free Times), were among Sweden’s
10 most shared news sites.

A number of news sites with anti-immigrant messages helped propel Sweden
Democrats to popularity.

These sites each reached one-tenth of all Swedish internet users a week
and, according to an Oxford University study, accounted for 85 percent of
the election-related “junk news” — deemed deliberately distorted or
misleading — shared online. There were other sites, too, all injecting
anti-immigrant and Islamophobic messaging into the Swedish political
bloodstream.

“Immigration Behind Shortage of Drinking Water in Northern Stockholm,” read
one recent headline. “Refugee Minor Raped Host Family’s Daughter; Thought
It Was Legal,” read another. “Performed Female Genital Mutilation on Her
Children — Given Asylum in Sweden,” read a third.

Russia’s hand in all of this is largely hidden from view. But fingerprints
abound.

For instance, one writer for Samhallsnytt, who previously worked for the
Sweden Democrats, was recently declined parliamentary press accreditation
after the security police determined he had been in contact with Russian
intelligence.

Fria Tider is considered not only one of the most extreme sites, but also
among the most Kremlin-friendly. It frequently swaps material with the
Russian propaganda outlet Sputnik. The site is linked, via domain ownership
records, to Granskning Sverige, called the Swedish “troll factory” for its
efforts to entrap and embarrass mainstream journalists. Among its frequent
targets: journalists who write negatively about Russia.

“We’ve had death threats, spam attacks, emails — this year has been totally
crazy,” said Eva Burman, the editor of Eskilstuna-Kuriren, a newspaper that
found itself in the cross hairs after criticizing the Russian annexation of
Crimea and investigating Granskning Sverige itself.

At the magazine Nya Tider, the editor, Vavra Suk, has traveled to Moscow as
an election observer and to Syria, where he produced Kremlin-friendly
accounts of the civil war. Nya Tider has published work by Alexander Dugin,
an ultranationalist Russian philosopher who has been called “Putin’s
Rasputin”; Mr. Suk’s writings for Mr. Dugin’s think tank include one titled
“Donald Trump Can Make Europe Great Again.”

Nya Tider’s contributors include Manuel Ochsenreiter, editor of Zuerst!, a
German far-right newspaper. Mr. Ochsenreiter — who has appeared regularly
on RT, the Kremlin propaganda channel — worked until recently for Markus
Frohnmaier, a member of the German Bundestag representing the far-right
Alternative for Germany party. Documents leaked to a consortium of European
media outlets — documents that Mr. Frohnmaier has called fake — have
suggested that Moscow aided his election campaign in order to have an
“absolutely controlled MP.”

Mr. Ochsenreiter, for his part, has been implicated in Polish court in the
financing of a 2018 firebombing attack on a Hungarian cultural center in
Ukraine. The plot, according to testimony from a Polish extremist charged
with carrying it out, was designed to pin responsibility on Ukrainian
nationalists and stoke ethnic tensions, to Russia’s benefit. Mr.
Ochsenreiter has not been charged in Poland, but prosecutors in Berlin said
they had begun a preliminary investigation. He has denied involvement.

Mr. Suk declined to comment.

Then there is Nyheter Idag. Its founder, Chang Frick — a former Sweden
Democrat official who takes a maverick’s glee in his defiance of orthodoxy
— readily admits to being a paid contributor to RT. At a pizza shop near
his home one afternoon, he pointedly noted that his girlfriend was Russian
and, with a flourish, pulled out a wad of rubles from a recent trip.

 “Here is my real boss! It’s Putin!” he laughed.

But Mr. Frick, the son of a Swedish Roma and a Polish Jew, said Nyheter
Idag answered to no one, neither the Sweden Democrats nor the Kremlin,
though he added that his relentless reporting about the problems posed by
immigrants dovetailed with both their agendas.

“People can see what’s happening in the streets,” he said, adding, “I’ve
been accused of being a racist — I’m being ‘paid by the Sweden Democrats,’
I’m ‘a spy for Russia.’ That just tells me I’m kicking where it hurts.”

Still, he said he had reason to believe that “there is a little bit of
collusion between Russia and some Swedish right-wing media.” One of his
early scoops involved exposing the drinking and womanizing shenanigans of a
Sweden Democrat member of Parliament who had been invited to Moscow. During
that reporting trip, he said, he was invited to serve as an independent
observer in Russia’s presidential election and to meet Mr. Putin.

He declined the invitation.

There is another curious Russian common denominator: Six of Sweden’s
alt-right sites have drawn advertising revenue from a network of online
auto-parts stores based in Germany and owned by four businessmen from
Russia and Ukraine, three of whom have adopted German-sounding surnames.

The ads were first noticed by the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter, which
discovered that while they appeared to be for a variety of outlets, all
traced back to the same Berlin address and were owned by a parent company,
Autodoc GmbH.

The Times found that the company had also placed ads on anti-Semitic and
other extremist sites in Germany, Hungary, Austria and elsewhere in Europe.

Which raised a question: Was the auto-parts dealer simply trying to drum up
business, or was it also trying to support the far-right cause?

Rikard Lindholm, co-founder of a data-driven marketing firm who has worked
with Swedish authorities to combat disinformation, dug deeper into the
Autodoc network.

Hidden beneath the user-friendly interface of some of the earliest Autodoc
sites lay what Mr. Lindholm, an expert in the forensic analysis of online
traffic, described as “icebergs” of blog-like content completely unrelated
to auto parts, translated into a variety of languages. A visitor to one of
the car-parts sites could not simply access this content from the home
page; instead, one had to know and type in the full URL.

“It’s like they have a back door and it’s open and you can have a look
around, but to do that you have to know that the door is there,” Mr.
Lindholm said.

Much of the content was not political. But there were links to posts about
a range of divisive social issues, some of them translated into other
languages. One hidden link — about female genital mutilation in Muslim
countries — had been translated from English to Polish before being posted.
Yet another post, from a site called AnsweringIslam.net, concluded, “Islam
hates you.”

Thomas Casper, a spokesman for Autodoc, said the company had no “interest
at all in supporting alt-right media,” and added, “We vehemently oppose
racism and far-right principles.”

He said the company’s digital advertising team worked with third parties to
place ads on “trusted websites with substantial traffic.” Autodoc, he said,
had instituted controls to try to ensure that it no longer advertised on
far-right sites.

Autodocs has advertised on far-right sites in Sweden and elsewhere in
Europe, including this Hungarian site which has a section devoted to
Holocaust denialism.

As for the icebergs, after receiving The Times’s inquiry, the company
removed what Mr. Casper called the “obviously dubious and outdated
content.” It had originally been placed there, he said, to improve search
engine optimization.

But Mr. Lindholm said that made no sense. “By linking to irrelevant
content, it actually hurts their business because Google frowns on that,”
he said.

Links Abroad

Another way to look inside the explosive growth of Sweden’s alt-right
outlets is to see who is linking to them. The more links, especially from
well-trafficked outlets, the more likely Google is to rank the sites as
authoritative. That, in turn, means that Swedes are more likely to see them
when they search for, say, immigration and crime.

The Times analyzed more than 12 million available links from over 18,000
domains to four prominent far-right sites — Nyheter Idag, Samhallsnytt,
Fria Tider and Nya Tider. The data was culled by Mr. Lindholm from two
search engine optimization tools and represents a snapshot of all known
links through July 2.

As expected, given the relative paucity of Swedish speakers worldwide, most
of the links came from Swedish-language sites.

But the analysis turned up a surprising number of links from
well-trafficked foreign-language sites — which suggests that the Swedish
sites’ rapid growth has been driven to a significant degree from abroad.

“It has the makings, the characteristics, of an operation whose purpose or
goal is to help these sites become relevant by getting them to be seen as
widely as possible,” Mr. Lindholm said.

Over all, more than one in five links were from non-Swedish language sites.
English-language sites, along with Norwegian ones, linked the most, nearly
a million times. But other European-language far-right sites — Russian but
also Czech, Danish, German, Finnish and Polish — were also frequent linkers.

The Times identified 356 domains that linked to all four Swedish sites.

Many are well known in American far-right circles. Among them is the
Gatestone Institute, a think tank whose site regularly stokes fears about
Muslims in the United States and Europe. Its chairman until last year was
John R. Bolton, now Mr. Trump’s national security adviser, and its funders
have included Rebekah Mercer, a prominent wealthy Trump supporter.

Other domains that linked to all four Swedish sites included Stormfront,
one of the oldest and largest American white supremacist sites; Voice of
Europe, a Kremlin-friendly right-wing site; a Russian-language blog called
Sweden4Rus.nu; and FreieWelt.net, a site supportive of the AfD in Germany.

This loosely knit global network does not just help increase readership in
Sweden; researchers have tracked how Russian state outlets like RT and
Sputnik, along with Western platforms like Infowars and Breitbart, have
picked up and amplified Swedish immigration-related stories to galvanize
xenophobia among their audiences.

Bjorn Palmertz, a disinformation specialist at the Swedish Defense
University, said this “information laundry” had resulted in globally viral
stories like the one about the Swedish town that allowed a mosque to issue
calls to prayer while denying a church’s application to ring its bells —
never mind that the church had not applied.

“Sweden is portrayed either as a heaven or a hell,” said Annika Rembe,
Sweden’s consul general in New York. “But conservative value-based
politicians in Hungary, Poland, the United States and elsewhere would use
Sweden as an example of a failed state: If you follow this path, your
society will look like Sweden’s.”

The auditorium at Rinkebyskolan, a middle school across the street from
Rinkeby’s town square, filled rapidly. Women wearing hijabs and burqas
spilled in, taking their seats on the left. Men sat to the right. From the
speakers came the voice of an imam reading from the Quran.

Developed as part of a 1960s-era government initiative to build a million
affordable dwellings, Rinkeby was originally home to a mix of Swedes and
laborers from southern Europe. Over time it became known as Sweden’s
“Village of the World,” with people from more than 100 countries living in
drab, low-slung apartment blocks. Today, more than 91 percent of Rinkeby’s
roughly 16,400 residents are immigrants and their children.

At a long table in front of the auditorium sat Niclas Andersson, a towering
man who serves as Rinkeby’s police chief. Once prayers concluded, the
audience began peppering him with questions.

Some worried about drug trafficking inside the apartment complexes, others
about the prevalence of guns. Could the police install more cameras?

To be sure, Mr. Andersson said in an interview afterward, there were
problems in Rinkeby, his posting for 18 years. But it is hardly the
hellscape that nationalists bent on painting Sweden as a failed state hold
it out to be.

Many newcomers still struggle to get a foothold in the job market, so
unemployment is relatively high, at 8.8 percent. And in the larger
Rinkeby-Kista borough, there were 825 reported episodes of violent crime
last year, a rate 36 percent higher per capita than Stockholm as a whole.

But Mr. Andersson does not recognize the Rinkeby portrayed in the movie —
directed by a filmmaker who has shot political ads for Republicans in
Congress — that led Mr. Trump to make his “last night in Sweden” remarks.
Rinkeby is not a no-go zone, Mr. Andersson said, an assertion supported by
the film’s chief cameraman, who has acknowledged that officers who seemed
to suggest otherwise had been edited out of context.

In fact, the number of police officers in Rinkeby has more than quadrupled
since 2015. Assaults and robberies are down, Mr. Andersson said. Fatal
shootings are down, too — of 11 in Stockholm last year, one was in Rinkeby.
Nationally, the violent crime rate is one-fifth that of the United States.

“It was a heavily slanted picture,” Mr. Andersson said. “You zero in on a
couple of incidents, then use that to describe the whole area.”

By the time Mr. Trump zeroed in on Rinkeby, “the government was tackling
the problems,” said Amela Mahovic, a local reporter for Swedish public
television. When the actual clash broke out soon after, she said, community
elders spread the word to local youths: “You need to stop this.”

But soon, they said, they found that outside forces wanted the world to see
a different picture.

Guleed Mohamed, then a researcher for public television, said he had spoken
to a reporting team from Russia and Ukraine in Rinkeby Square that week and
had tried to ask about Russia.

“They changed the subject to how multiculturalism doesn’t work,” he
recalled. “And then they quickly connected that to the clash — ‘I want to
talk about the riot. Don’t you think this is connected to the influx of
migrants?’”

Hani Al Saleh, a Syrian who came to Sweden as a teenager, was working as a
guard in Rinkeby. Tall and muscular with a sculpted beard, Mr. Saleh is
known as “Amo,” or uncle, by the local youth. He said three young
immigrants he knew told him that Russian journalists had tried to bribe
them with 400 kronor (about $43) apiece.

 “Boys, do you want to do some action in front of the camera?” they said
the Russian journalists asked them.

Mr. Saleh later took a Danish journalist to meet two of the young men.
After searching online, they recognized the logo of the Russian state-owned
news channel NTV, along with the Russians who had made the offer.

The journalist contacted NTV, which denied the whole thing. But besides Mr.
Castillo, the night watchman, The Times found other witnesses who backed up
Mr. Saleh’s account.

Elvir Kazinic and Mustafa Zatara said they were in the square a couple of
days after the clash when they overheard another group of young men talking
about Russian journalists and a 400 krona bribe to fight.

“To stoop to that level and offer kids money,” said Mr. Kazinic, a Bosnian
émigré who serves on Rinkeby’s district council, “that is low.”

Mr. Zatara, a poet, knows well the consequences of stirring up
anti-immigrant racism. His father, Hasan Zatara, a Palestinian, came to
Sweden in 1969, earned a high school diploma and opened a convenience store.

Standing behind the cash register on a January afternoon 27 years ago, he
became the final victim of John Ausonius, a serial shooter who terrorized
immigrant communities, killing one person and wounding 10 others. Hasan
Zatara was paralyzed.

Mr. Ausonius later said he was inspired by the anti-immigrant party of the
day, New Democracy.

“When my father was shot in 1992, we had New Democracy,” Mustafa Zatara
said. “Today we have the Sweden Democrats. Then, they wore bomber jackets
and boots. Today, they wear bow ties and suits. It’s normalized now in the
Swedish political corridor.”

Building a Coalition

After the commotion in Rinkeby died down, Russian news agencies kept
calling the police, fruitlessly asking permission to ride with officers
patrolling the district.

“This went on week in and week out,” said Varg Gyllander, the department’s
press officer.

Last September, right after the Swedish elections, the requests abruptly
stopped.

The Sweden Democrats had their best showing yet. Their nearly 18 percent
share of the vote hamstrung Swedish politics, with the mainstream parties
unable to form a government for more than four months.

The Social Democrats finally formed a shaky coalition that excluded the
Sweden Democrats. But it came at a price: some prominent center-right
politicians are now expressing a willingness to work with the Sweden
Democrats, portending a new political alignment.

In February, the Sweden Democrats’ Mr. Karlsson strode into a
Washington-area hotel where leaders of the American and European right were
gathering for the annual Conservative Political Action Conference. As he
settled in at the lobby bar, straightening his navy three-piece suit, he
was clearly very much at home.

At the conference — where political boot-camp training mixed with speeches
by luminaries like Mr. Trump and the British populist leader Nigel Farage —
Mr. Karlsson hoped to learn about the infrastructure of the American
conservative movement, particularly its funding and use of the media and
think tanks to broaden its appeal. But in a measure of how nationalism and
conservatism have merged in Mr. Trump’s Washington, many of the Americans
with whom he wanted to network were just as eager to network with him.

Mr. Karlsson had flown in from Colorado, where he had given a speech at the
Steamboat Institute, a conservative think tank. That morning, Tobias
Andersson, 23, the Sweden Democrats’ youngest member of Parliament and a
contributor to Breitbart, had spoken to Americans for Tax Reform, a bastion
of tax-cut orthodoxy.

Now, they found themselves encircled by admirers like Matthew Hurtt, the
director for external relationships at Americans for Prosperity, part of
the billionaire Koch brothers’ political operation, and Matthew Tyrmand, a
board member of Project Veritas, a conservative group that uses undercover
filming to sting its targets.

Mr. Tyrmand, who is also an adviser to a senator from Poland’s
anti-immigration ruling Law and Justice party, was particularly eager. “You
are taking your country back!” he exclaimed.

Mr. Karlsson smiled.
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