[Peace-discuss] US recruiting Iraqi agents
Ricky Baldwin
baldwinricky at yahoo.com
Mon Aug 25 14:41:27 CDT 2003
[Now, folks, here's another excellent letter-writing
opportunity. The US has a proud history of doing this
kind of thing, as in Germany after WW2. Readers of
the News-Gazette and other papers should certainly
know of this. Might even raise a few more hackles. I
didn't see it in the paper, so I'd suggest beginning a
letter to the editor by noting its omission. Any
takers? -RB]
U.S. Recruiting Hussein's Spies
By Anthony Shadid and Daniel Williams
Washington Post
BAGHDAD, Aug. 23 -- U.S.-led occupation authorities
have begun a
covert campaign to recruit and train agents with the
once-dreaded Iraqi
intelligence service to help identify resistance to
American forces here
after months of increasingly sophisticated attacks and
bombings,
according to U.S. and Iraqi officials.
The extraordinary move to recruit agents of former
president Saddam
Hussein's security services underscores a growing
recognition among U.S.
officials that American military forces -- already
stretched thin --
cannot alone prevent attacks like the devastating
truck bombing of the
U.N. headquarters this past week, the officials said.
Authorities have stepped up the recruitment over the
past two weeks,
one senior U.S. official said, despite sometimes
adamant objections by
members of the U.S.-appointed Iraqi Governing Council,
who complain
that they have too little control over the pool of
recruits. While U.S.
officials acknowledge the sensitivity of cooperating
with a force that
embodied the ruthlessness of Hussein's rule, they
assert that an urgent
need for better and more precise intelligence has
forced unusual
compromises.
"The only way you can combat terrorism is through
intelligence," the
senior official said. "It's the only way you're going
to stop these
people from doing what they're doing." He added:
"Without Iraqi input,
that's not going to work."
Officials are reluctant to disclose how many former
agents have been
recruited since the effort began. But Iraqi officials
say they number
anywhere from dozens to a few hundred, and U.S.
officials acknowledge
that the recruitment is extensive.
"We're reaching out very widely," said one official
with the U.S.-led
administration, who like most spoke on condition of
anonymity because
of sensitivity over questions of intelligence and
sources.
Added a Western diplomat: "There is an obvious
evolution in American
thinking. First the police are reconstituted, then the
army. It is
logical that intelligence officials from the regime
would also be
recruited."
Officials say the first line of
intelligence-gathering remains the
Iraqi police, who number 6,500 in Baghdad and 33,000
nationwide. But that
force is hampered in intelligence work by a lack of
credibility with a
disenchanted public, and its numbers remain far below
what U.S.
officials say they need to bring order to an unruly
capital. Across Iraq,
walk-in informers have provided tips on weapons caches
and locations of
suspected guerrillas, but many Iraqis dismiss those
reports as haphazard
and sometimes motivated by a desire for personal gain.
The emphasis in recruitment appears to be on the
intelligence service
known as the Mukhabarat, one of four branches in
Hussein's former
security service, although it is not the only target
for the U.S. effort.
The Mukhabarat, whose name itself inspired fear in
ordinary Iraqis, was
the foreign intelligence service, the most
sophisticated of the four.
Within that service, officials have reached out to
agents who once were
assigned to Syria and Iran, Iraqi officials and former
intelligence
agents say.
For years, U.S. relations with both Syria and Iran
have remained tense
and, if anything, have deteriorated since American
forces overthrew
Hussein's government on April 9. Once-vigilantly
patrolled borders
stretching hundreds of miles are remarkably porous,
and L. Paul Bremer, the
U.S. civilian administrator of Iraq, has openly
accused Syria of allowing
foreign fighters to enter Iraq. A senior American
official said those
fighters inside Iraq, mainly from Saudi Arabia and
Syria, number
between 100 and 200.
The emphasis on intelligence mirrors a decision
earlier this month by
Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the commander of U.S. ground
forces, to
minimize large military sweeps to the north and west
of Baghdad. Launched in
June and July, the sweeps rounded up hundreds of
Iraqis, but angered
residents who complained of mistreatment, arbitrary
arrests and
humiliation at the hands of U.S. soldiers.
Sanchez and others have suggested that the anger
caused by those raids
could bolster the support for guerrillas, who are
thought to number in
the thousands, mainly in the Sunni Muslim-dominated
regions that
provided Hussein much of his support.
The guerrilla tactics have grown in sophistication
over the four
months of the occupation. But U.S. officials said the
guerrillas remain
decentralized, with no sign yet of national
coordination. In the view of
Bremer, a former counterterrorism specialist, and
other U.S. officials,
their amorphous nature makes them harder to stamp out,
and makes more
pressing the need for intelligence to pinpoint raids
and create the
possibility of infiltrating the groups.
"The expectation is that we're going to have to fight
it out," one
senior official said.
The official said it might require 500,000 U.S.
troops, perhaps far
more, to secure every potential target in the country
-- an unlikely
prospect, given that many U.S. allies are balking at
the prospect of
sending more soldiers, especially without a U.N.
mandate. The United States
has 132,000 troops in the country, and there are
17,000 other soldiers,
the majority of them British.
"The key is to try to stay ahead of this game and
prevent it from
happening," the senior official said.
At a news conference today, Bremer repeatedly
stressed the need for
better intelligence, saying that U.S. authorities were
"constantly
working to refine and upgrade our intelligence
capabilities."
The goal, he said, was "to find and, if necessary,
kill as many of
them as possible before they find and kill us."
Hussein's security forces were a suffocating presence
in Iraq and
still cast a long shadow.
Of the four security branches, the Mukhabarat was
the best-treated
and often supplied agents for the other branches. The
largest was
internal security, known as Amn al-Amm, which focused
on domestic
intelligence. The third was special security, which
protected government officials.
These three answered to the presidency. Only military
intelligence was
nominally independent of Hussein's inner circle and
operated within the
Defense Ministry. The Baath Party, with membership in
the millions,
provided a check of sorts, with its almost endless
network of informers in
every town and village.
Within the Mukhabarat, former intelligence officers
say, the branches
dedicated to Iran, Israel and, during the 1990s, the
United Nations
were the most important. One officer, a 23-year
veteran who spied on the
United Nations, said about 100 agents worked on Iran,
between 75 and 100
on the United Nations and 50 each on Israel and Syria,
in addition to
their networks and contacts.
Earlier this summer, Bremer dissolved those services,
along with the
information and defense ministries. But Wafiq
Samarrai, a former
military intelligence chief who went into exile in
1995 and retains contacts,
said U.S. officials were seeking to reconstitute them
in some form.
"They are trying to rebuild it very quietly," he said.
One officer, who was not contacted by the Americans,
said he believed
that about 300 people were being recruited. Adil Abdul
Mahdi, the
director of the political bureau for the Supreme
Council for the Islamic
Revolution in Iraq, one of the groups taking part in
the Governing
Council, said his organization has a list of almost 20
names of recruited
officers from the dreaded Fifth Section, an organ
inside military
intelligence that focused on Iran. He said his group
believed that at least one
of those agents was sent to the United States for
training last month.
An official with the U.S.-led administration said he
was not aware of
agents having been sent to the United States.
While not disclosing how they check the operatives,
U.S. officials
said they believed some agents remained "fairly
untainted" by Hussein's
government. But they said they recognized the
potential pitfalls in
relying on an instrument loathed by most Iraqis and
renowned across the Arab
world for its casual use of torture, fear,
intimidation, rape and
imprisonment.
"We have to be very careful in how we vet them, in
how we go through
their backgrounds," the senior American official said.
"We don't want to
put a cancer right in the middle of this."
Another official called the recruitment part of an
ongoing struggle
between principle and what he called the practical
needs of the
occupation. "Pragmatically, those are people who are
potentially very useful
because they have access to information, so you have
to compromise on
that," he said. "What we need to do is make sure they
are indeed aware of
the error of their ways."
While many Iraqi officials say they are aware of the
recruitment, some
have spoken against the use of former operatives, and
others have
warned against reconstituting an intelligence service
before an independent
Iraqi government takes charge. Former exiles who
cooperated with the
Americans were trailed by Iraqi intelligence for
years, and among them
the issue is particularly sensitive. "We've always
criticized the
procedure of recruiting from the old regime's
officers. We think it is a
mistake," Mahdi said. "We've told them you have some
bad people in your
security apparatus."
The objections come in the context of a struggle
between Bremer and
the Governing Council over the degree of Iraqi control
over the security
services. Bremer said today that despite Iraqi
objections, security
will remain in the hands of U.S. forces. But many
Iraqis, both former
operatives and U.S.-allied officials, are dismissive
of the U.S. ability to
run intelligence inside the country. They say U.S.
officials lack the
means to recruit effective networks and are
overwhelmed with information
of dubious quality.
"There's a difference between how we perceive things
and how they
react," said one council member. "There's no quick
response to
intelligence. The Americans have huge quantities of
it, most of it nonsense. They
have no means of distinguishing."
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