[Peace-discuss] Erosion of the Nonproliferation treaty

ppatton at uiuc.edu ppatton at uiuc.edu
Tue May 3 18:50:11 CDT 2005


Erosion of the Nonproliferation Treaty
by Jimmy Carter
 
As the review conference of the Nonproliferation Treaty
convenes in New York this month, we can only be appalled at
the indifference of the United States and the other nuclear
powers. This indifference is remarkable, considering the
addition of Iran and North Korea as states that either possess
or seek nuclear weapons programs.

In the run-up to the conference, a group of "Middle States"
had a simple goal: "To exert leverage on the nuclear powers to
take some minimum steps to save the nonproliferation treaty in
2005." Last year this coalition of nuclear-capable states -
including Brazil, Egypt, Ireland, Mexico, New Zealand, South
Africa, Sweden and eight NATO members - voted for a new agenda
resolution calling for implementing NPT commitments already
made. Tragically, the United States, Britain and France voted
against this resolution.

Preparatory talks failed even to achieve an agenda because of
the deep divisions between nuclear powers that refuse to meet
their own disarmament commitments and the non-nuclear
movement, whose demands include honoring these pledges and
considering the Israeli arsenal.

Until recently, all American presidents since Dwight
Eisenhower had striven to restrict and reduce nuclear arsenals
- some more than others. As far as I know, there are no
present efforts by any of the nuclear powers to accomplish
these crucial goals.

The United States is the major culprit in this erosion of the
NPT. While claiming to be protecting the world from
proliferation threats in Iraq, Libya, Iran and North Korea,
American leaders not only have abandoned existing treaty
restraints but also have asserted plans to test and develop
new weapons, including antiballistic missiles, the
earth-penetrating "bunker buster" and perhaps some new "small"
bombs. They also have abandoned past pledges and now threaten
first use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states.

Some corrective actions are obvious:

The United States needs to address remaining nuclear issues
with Russia, demanding the same standards of transparency and
verification of past arms control agreements and dismantling
and disposal of decommissioned weapons. With massive arsenals
still on hair-trigger alert status, a global holocaust is just
as possible now, through mistakes or misjudgments, as it was
during the depths of the cold war. We could address perhaps
the world's greatest proliferation threat by fully securing
Russia's stockpiles.

While all nuclear weapons states should agree to no first use,
the United States, as the sole superpower, should take the
lead on this issue.

NATO needs to de-emphasize the role of its nuclear weapons and
consider an end to their deployment in Western Europe. Despite
its eastward expansion, NATO is keeping the same stockpiles
and policies as when the Iron Curtain divided the continent.

The comprehensive test ban treaty should be honored, but the
United States is moving in the opposite direction. The
administration's 2005 budget refers for the first time to a
list of test scenarios, and other nations are waiting to take
the same action.

The United States should support a fissile-materials treaty to
prevent the creation and transport of highly enriched uranium
and plutonium.

The United States should curtail development of the infeasible
missile defense shield, which is wasting huge resources, while
breaking our commitment to the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty
without a working substitute.

Act on nuclear proliferation in the Middle East, an increasing
source of instability. Iran has repeatedly hidden its
intentions to enrich uranium while claiming that its nuclear
program is for peaceful purposes only. This explanation has
been given before, by India, Pakistan and North Korea, and has
led to weapons programs in all three states. Iran must be
called to account and held to its promises under the
Nonproliferation Treaty. At the same time, we fail to
acknowledge how Israel's nuclear status entices Iran, Syria,
Egypt and other states to join the community of nuclear-weapon
states.

If the United States and other nuclear powers are serious
about stopping the erosion of the Nonproliferation Treaty,
they must act now on these issues. Any other course will mean
a world in which the nuclear threat increases, not diminishes.

Jimmy Carter is a former president of the United States and
founder of the Carter Center in Atlanta. This comment was
distributed by Tribune Media Services for Global Viewpoint. 


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