[Peace-discuss] Patrick Smith: " Propaganda, lies and the New York Times: Everything you really need to know about Ukraine"
Stuart Levy
stuartnlevy at gmail.com
Sat Mar 15 23:02:17 UTC 2014
Thanks to Deb Johnson for pointing out this good article, below - an
antidote to what you've been reading in the New York Times, hearing on
NPR and the BBC, etc.
I'll also note activist David Swanson's recent comment, considering how
the peace movement should respond to the prospect of war in the Ukraine:
The most frustrating thing about this crisis, it seems to me, is the
great moral demand to completely ignore either the U.S. or Russia,
but never both. I taped a show called Crosstalk [...] I denounced
the U.S. at great length, but the minute I said Russia should stop
threatening military action the host shouted me down. [... and
re-taped the show without him as a guest ...] Somewhere somehow
someone must find a way to walk and chew gum on this: we must
acknowledge that it is possible for more than one actor to be at fault.
======================================================================
From Patrick Smith, in Salon.com, March 12th, 2014 --
http://www.salon.com/2014/03/12/propaganda_lies_and_the_new_york_times_everything_you_really_need_to_know_about_ukraine/
Propaganda, lies and the New York Times: Everything you really need to
know about Ukraine
The media keeps buying the American spin on what's happening in
Ukraine. Let's cut through the fog
Patrick L. Smith <http://www.salon.com/writer/patrick_l_smith/>
You need a machete these days to whack through the thicket of
misinformation, disinformation, spin, propaganda and straight-out lying
that daily envelopes the Ukraine crisis like kudzu on an Alabama
telephone pole. But an outline of an outcome is now faintly discernible.
Here is my early call: We witness an American intervention in the
process of failing, and the adventure's only yields will be much
pointless suffering among Ukrainians and life for years to come in the
smothering embrace of a justifiably suspicious Russian bear.
Nice going, Victoria Nuland, you of the famous "F the E.U. tape,"
<http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jbOwfeoDX2o> and your sidekick, Geoffrey
Pyatt, ambassador in Kiev. Nice going, Secretary of State Kerry. For
this caper, Nuland and Pyatt should be reassigned to post offices in the
bleak reaches of Kansas, Khrushchev-style. Kerry is too big to fail, I
suppose, but at least we now know more about what caliber of subterfuge
lies behind all those plane trips, one mess following another in his jet
wash.
On the ground, Vladimir Putin continues to extend the Russian presence
in Crimea, and we await signs as to whether he will go further into
Ukraine. This is very regrettable. Viewed as cause-and-effect, however,
it is first a measure of how miscalculated the American intervention
plot was from the first.
Pretending innocent horror now is a waste of time. The Ukraine tragedy
is real estate with many names on the deed. This must not get lost in
the sauce.
On the diplomatic side, the big charge now is intransigence. Washington
calls Moscow intransigent because Vladimir Putin and his foreign
minister, Sergey Lavrov, decline to talk to the self-appointed
government in Kiev, which Putin refuses to recognize. Moscow calls
Washington intransigent because Kerry declines to meet Lavrov unless the
latter agrees first to meet the Kiev provisionals.
The American line: The provisionals are legitimate, they are democrats
worthy of support, and there was no coup when they hounded President
Viktor Yanukovych from office Feb. 21. The protesters behind them with
clubs, pistols and bottle bombs are democrats, too.
The Russian line: The provisionals are illegitimate, they took power in
a coup driven in considerable part by nationalist fanatics with a
fascist streak evident in their ranks, they are now dependent on same,
and they merit neither support nor recognition.
This is it as of now, simplified but not simplistic, story and
counter-story.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
It is difficult but not impossible to interpret these narratives. The
first step, admittedly hard for many Americans, is to drop all Cold War
baggage and see beyond the West's century-and-a-half habit of demonizing
Russia as the emblematic power of the inherently autocratic East.
"Oriental despotism" was a passing fad conjured by a scholar-stooge
named Karl Wittfogel in the late 1950s. It died a deserved death ---
around the time of hula hoops, I think --- but the prejudice lingers,
remarkably, in many Western minds.
Here comes the bitter bit. The Russian take in the Ukraine crisis is
more truthful than the artful dodge Washington attempts. The above
forecast of the outcome rests on the thought that the dodge is simply
too flimsy to last.
You cannot make a call such as this without looking closely. So let's.
Putin and Lavrov are open to negotiations with the U.S. and the European
Union. Putin commits to supporting Ukrainian elections set for May and
backs the agreement struck between Yanukovych and his opponents just
before the latter abandoned it and deposed him, even as Putin did not
like it at the time. No, Moscow does not recognize the provisionals in
Kiev, with sound reasons, but it does not require that Washington drop
its support before getting to the mahogany table.
In the climate our media have generated, I almost feel the need to
apologize for this but will refuse: I cannot locate the intransigence in
this.
Now to Kerry and President Obama. Last week Lavrov invited Kerry to
Sochi for face time with Putin, and Kerry considered it. Then he
abruptly declined on the argument that the Russians must first commit to
talks with the new crowd in Kiev. Here is the problem: Kerry's demand
does not hold up as a precondition; it is logically a point of
negotiation. Set it as a precondition and you have, so far as I can make
out, intransigence.
What is the preoccupation with a Moscow-Kiev gathering, anyway? This
gets interesting, and you have to recall the dramatis personae in the
Nuland tape of Feb. 7.
Insisting on direct talks between Russia and the provisional government
in Kiev is to insist the former recognize the latter, a trap Putin
cannot possibly be stupid enough to fall into. Recognition, in turn,
would complete the Nuland-Pyatt project to gift Ukrainians with a
post--Yanukovych puppet government. This is Kerry's unstated intent.
It is remarkable what a good road map the Nuland tape has proven. She
mentioned three names in her exchange with Pyatt: Arseniy Yatsenyuk,
Oleh Tyahnybok and Vitali Klitschko. The first, Nuland's favorite, is
now prime minister; Tyahnybok was running ahead of Yanukovych in polls
at the time Nuland was taped and remains the vigorously anti-Russian
head of Svoboda, a power-balancing party of rightists; Klitschko is not
in the government but plans to run for president in the May elections.
This is precisely the constellation Nuland described as her work in
progress: Yatsenyuk in, the others more useful outside for now. As a
measure of Washington's unseemly haste to lend legitimacy, Obama meets
Yatsenyuk in Washington as I write --- an unelected leader of who knows
whom sitting in the White House.
Just for good measure, Nuland also mentioned one Robert Serry, a U.N.
official Washington arm-twisted Ban Ki-moon into sending to Kiev to give
a veneer of multi-sided consensus. And there was Serry in the news last
week --- when Crimeans chased him across their border at gunpoint. They
must be reading the papers carefully, those Crimeans.
At writing, the Obama scrum is debating whether to impose swift, cutting
sanctions on the Russians (the political people) or ease off for fear of
self-inflicted damage (the trade and business people). Leading the
charge for tough stuff are none other than Nuland and Pyatt.
Maybe they are scared of getting sent to Kansas if the project does not
come good.
The more I scrutinize it, the more the American case on Ukraine is held
together with spit and baling wire. Were I Obama or Kerry, I would be
looking for an out by now, cutting losses on a commitment to
intervention that was sheer hubris from the first.
Significantly in this connection, the contorted logic of just who is
running things in Kiev is soon to fail, in my view. Washington is all
out in denying the character of the protest movement and the
provisionals, casting Putin as a paranoid in his characterizations. It
is wishful thinking. Incessantly repeated untruths never transform into
truths.
The decisive influence of ultra-right extremists, some openly committed
to an ideology of violence, some whose political ancestors sided with
the Nazis to oppose the Soviets, is a matter of record. Svoboda and
Right Sector, the two most organized of these groups, now propose to
rise into national politics. Right Sector's leader, Dmytro Yarosh,
intends to run for president. The New York Times just described him as
"an expert with firebombs" during the street protest period.
These people are thugs by any other name. One cannot see how this can be
in question --- or why the Times suggests that Russia's descriptions of
them as such amount to "a fun house mirror."
And it is no good pretending their influence does not continue. They
remain in the street and maintain the barricades, and they are happy to
tell you (as one told a network correspondent last week) that they could
take down the new government, too, if they so chose. You can stop
wondering why the provisionals show zero interest in conducting promised
investigations into the origins of the violence that toppled Yanukovych.
Washington seems to have lost track of that idea, too.
On the other side of the piles of tires, ultra-rightists hold three
portfolios in the 18--member provisional cabinet. Yarosh is deputy
director of the security council. (I suppose he would be assigned to
investigate the violence were anyone to get the job.) It is near to
preposterous that Kerry would insist that Moscow officials meet with
this man or others like him.
I read Ukraine as a case of what happens when so much of policy, in all
kinds of spheres, is conducted in secret. Ordinary citizens cannot see
events and are left to judge them blind. And the media are not going to
help you. However, there have been notable exceptions to the media's
cooperation in keeping things from us instead of informing.
Earlier this week, Leslie Gelb let loose with a vigorous blast
<http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2014/03/09/leslie-h-gelb-cut-the-baloney-on-ukraine.html> in
the Daily Beast, calling on the Americans (and others) to "stop their
lies and self-destructive posturing or pay costs they're loath to
admit." Gelb is a longtime presence in foreign policy cliques --- former
Times columnist, former State Department official, now president
emeritus at the Council on Foreign Relations. The critique reveals a
significant breach in the orthodoxy.
Not to root for the home team, but Nicholas Davies just published in
Salon an inventory of 35 cases wherein Washington has split the sheets
with fascists in the interest of intervention. Read it.
<http://www.salon.com/2014/03/08/35_countries_the_u_s_has_backed_international_crime_partner/> Splendidly
timed, it demolishes all argument that what is in front of our eyes is
somehow not. History so often does the job, I find.
Elsewhere, things go from bad to execrable. Here I have to single out
Timothy Snyder, a Yale historian, who froths at the mouth in a
three-part blog series published by the New York Review of Books. This
guy should be brought up on charges under toxic waste laws.
You get lies: Yanukovych refused to sign the February compromise with
his opposition. (It was signed in his office so far as I understand.)
You get bent logic: The new cabinet includes three Jews, proving
(somehow) it is legitimate. The ultra-right has only three cabinet
posts. (Only? That is 16 percent of it. Why any?)
And you get radical miscalculations. Snyder compares Putin with Hitler
--- unwise given the composition of the government and the barricades
people he wants to say are fine. In trying to persuade us that the
extremist bit is Moscow's propaganda, he produces lengths of propaganda,
some of it --- no other word --- extremist.
I carry no hatchet for Snyder, though the Yale professorship causes me
to wonder. But in bravely defending every aspect of the Washington
orthodoxy, Snyder gives a faithful map of all its fault lines. So it is
useful reading, here
<http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2014/mar/20/fascism-russia-and-ukraine>,
here
<http://www.nybooks.com/blogs/nyrblog/2014/mar/01/ukraine-haze-propaganda/>
and here
<http://www.nybooks.com/blogs/nyrblog/2014/mar/07/crimea-putin-vs-reality/>,
providing you know what you are getting.
Next Sunday Crimeans will vote in a referendum as to whether they wish
to break with the rest of Ukraine and join the Russian Federation. The
semi-autonomous region's parliament has already voted to do so, and good
enough that they put the thought to a popular vote.
But no. Self-determination was the guiding principle when demonstrators
and pols with records as election losers pushed Yanukovych out and got
done via a coup (I insist on the word) what they could not manage in
polling booths. But it cannot apply in Crimea's case. The Crimeans are
illegitimate and have no right to such a vote.
Simply too shabby. I cannot see how it can hold much longer.
<http://www.salon.com/2014/03/12/propaganda_lies_and_the_new_york_times_everything_you_really_need_to_know_about_ukraine/>
<http://www.salon.com/writer/patrick_l_smith/>
Patrick Smith is the author of /"Time No Longer: Americans After the
American Century"
<http://www.amazon.com/dp/0300176562//?tag=saloncom08-20> /was the
International Herald Tribune's bureau chief in Hong Kong and then Tokyo
from 1985 to 1992. During this time he also wrote "Letter from Tokyo"
for the New Yorker. He is the author of four previous books and has
contributed frequently to the New York Times, the Nation, the Washington
Quarterly, and other publications.
More Patrick L. Smith. <http://www.salon.com/writer/patrick_l_smith/>
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